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CHAPTER IX : ECONOMIC LIFE IN
AL-QODS AL-SHAREEF
Divine wisdom has it that the cities of spiritual importance should be cities of
no material wealth or natural resources, and that they should be situated in
arid valleys so that they would always be hedged against opulence, which often
draws ruin upon country and city alike. (333) Al-Qods seems to be no exception
to this rule. Geographer Ibn Haouqal describes it as a city with no great water
resources, except for a few springs that are of no importance for farming
purposes. (334) Moreover, Al-Istakhrî writes that
"The
City of Al-Qods lies high on mountain ridges and one can
climb up and get into it from any direction one may reach it. With the exception
of a few springs, there are no water courses that can be used for the irrigation
of the land tract around
Al-Qods, which is one of the most fertile areas in Palestine."
(335) The low annual rainfall and therefore the low water supply sustain a
meagre seasonal crop of cereals and vegetables. On the other hand, this semi-dry
land seems to be quite suitable for arboriculture, particularly where the
olive-tree, the fig-tree, and other fruit-trees are concerned. This actually
explains why Al-Qods has always depended on the farming areas around it for the
supply of cereals, durum wheat in the main. The high demand for durum wheat,
which has always been the staple food in Al-Qods, often gave rise to price
speculation and the price of this commodity was always higher in this city than
in its neighbourhood. In this connection, Ibn Qâdi Shahiyya relates the food and
water shortage that marked the year 798 A.H. by reporting that
"In
that year, news from Al-Qods came that therein a sack of
wheat, which was regularly twice more expensive than in
333. S. 'Ashûr (1983) in Proceedings of the Third Congress on the History
of Al-Shâm, Cf. the volume on Al-Qods, p. 107
334. Ibn Haouqal
335. Marmajî (1948) in his Cities of Arab Palestine, p. 31 quotes
from Al-Istakhrî's work, p. 56 and Ibn Haouqal's work, p. 111
Damascus, had soared to the value of a thousand sacks in the latter city; that
no bread at all was in supply; and that drought has caused such a shortage of
water that even the Ayyûb Springs had gone dry. On several occasions, the
collective "Prayer for Rain" was conducted in Al-Qods; but the irregular
rainfall was not enough to fill the wells or to cancel the damage wreaked by the
drought. The situation of the city's population changed from
bad to worse."
(336)
This goes to show that agriculture has never been a cornerstone in the economy
of Al-Qods. This city has suffered water shortage throughout the ages and its
inhabitants have often struggled to save it for drinking and for domestic use
rather than for anything else. Although the cultivation of olive-trees, vines,
fig-trees and other fruit-trees within this city and in its immediate
neighbourhood was appreciable, it lost its importance in time. (337) The great
Persian traveller, Nâssir Khosrû relates the rich agricultural products of
Al-Qods at one time when he writes that "olive-trees,
fig-trees, and other trees
are cultivated (therein) without irrigation means. Agricultural products are
varied and expensive. In some cases, a family may keep as much as a volume of
fifty thousand litres of olive oil in wells and in tanks for woldwide export."
(338)
According to the statistics of 1935, the area of olive-groves in Al-Qods
amounted to 31,388 dounums, the grown olive-trees were 408,044 in number, and
the volume of olive-oil (pressed in that year) was 661 tons. Vine-yards covered
an estimated area oƒ 6,579 dounums and yielded a crop of 3,990 tons of grapes.
The land planted with fig-trees amounted to an area of 3,653 dounums, the grown
fig-trees were 54,795 in number, and the crop was 625 tons of figs.
Although Al-Qods and its neighbourhood produced only a modest volume of
agricultural products, this city nonetheless served as the main commercial
centre for the agricultural products from the neighbouring Palestinian areas,
particularly from Al-Baq'a. (339)
336. S. 'Ashûr, Ibid., p. 107
This author further notes that food prices soared exceptionally in Al-Qods when
drought struck. During the depression of 798 A.H., a sack of wheat in Al-Balqâ
cost 300 while in Al-Qods it cost 800 or more and only 180 in Damascus.
337. Al-'Aref, A History of Al-Qods, p. 228
338. Marmajî, Ibid., p. 33
- Imâm Rashâd, Ibid., p.146
- Al-Maqdissî , Housnu At-Taqâssim, p. 166
339. Al-Aref, Ibid. pp. 228-229
Thus, commerce is another pillar of the economy of Beit Al-Maqdis. Although it
does not lie on any major commerce route, Al-Qods in the Ayyubid and the
Mameluke eras had many markets to cater for the needs of the local as well as
the neighbouring populations; each of these markets was used for the
commercializing of a particular category of products. Thus, one market was
reserved for the commerce of meats and one area in it served for the
slaughtering of male sheep brought all the way from Amman. There were separate
markets for woven material, dyeing products, fish, poultry, vegetables, fruit,
spices (340) , cereals, oil, soap, legumes, silk, perfume, and so forth. (341)
Additionally, weekly markets were held in Al-Qods, exactly as they are still
held today in places throughout Palestine and the other Arab countries. Each
locality took the name of the day on which the market was held in it. These
weekly markets gave the opportunity for commerce and exchange. Country folk sold
their own products and purchased other products that they needed.
Moreover, other markets were held on special occasions such as the pilgrimage
period. These periodic markets were profitable business for tradesmen from
Al-Qods and its neighbourhood. (342) Concerning its commerce with the exterior,
Al-Qods had good relations with the European states, particularly with the
Italian one. Hence, a special Agency was set up in the city to facilitate
transactions with overseas tradesmen.
The merchants of Al-Qods exported balm, oil, soap, wine, indigo, and sugar. On
the other hand, they imported cotton and silk material, ceramics, and glass.
(343) Generally, one may say that commercial activity in Al-Qods was
flourishing. However, it was nowhere near the commercial activity of other
cities in the Arab world, like Halab (Aleppo), Damascus, or Cairo. Palestinian
historian 'Aref Al-'Aref (1951) describes the trade situation in Al-Qods at the
end of the Ottoman era and during the British Mandate in the following terms.
"Trade
'in Al-Qods' was thriving. Many merchants from this city were
considerably wealthy. A slump in their business occurred only once or twice
every three decades."
(344)
340. Imâm Rashâd, Ibid. pp. 148-150
- Ghaouânima, Studies in the History of Palestine, p.154
341. Imâm Rashâd, Ibid., p. 154
- Ghaouânima, Ibid,. p. 154
342. Ghaouânima, Ibid., pp.155-156
343. Ghaouânima, Ibid., p.157
344. 'Aref Al-'Aref, A History of Al-Qods, p. 229
The large number of khâns or caravanserais that used to be found here and there
throughout Al-Qods is a good indicator of how brisk trade was in this city.
Although Al-Qods was of a relatively small area and could not be counted among
the large trade centres throughout the Arab-Muslim world, it had over sixteen
caravanserais in the Mameluke era and in subsequent eras. (345) The Mameluke
sultans put a great deal of efforts into the development of trade in Al-Qods.
For instance, it was on the order of Sultan Ad-Dhâhir Baybars that the
caravanserai bearing his name was built in 622 A.H., the large wooden door of
this facility was brought all the way from the Fatimid Grand Palace in Cairo,
where this door was a fixture of one of the Palace's gates, known as Bâb Al-Abd.
Also, in 788 A.H., Sultan Barqûq ordered the building of the caravanserai known
in Al-Qods as Khân As-Sultan and sometimes as Dâr Al-Wakâla. (346)
The following is a list of the main caravanserais in Al-Qods :
Most of these caravanserais date back to the Mameluke era and only a few were
built in the Ottoman reign. Also, most of these khâns were pious endowments.
Some caravanserais are in ruins while others are still being used as khâns or
have been converted. (348) 345. S.
آshour, Ibid., p. 108
346. S.
آshour, Ibid., p. 108
347. Al-'Aslî, Our Ancient Monuments in Beit Al-Maqdis (Amman :
1982) p.42
348. Al-Aslî, Ibid., p. 43
Name Khân As-Sultan (Dâr Al-Wakâla)
The third pillar of the economy of Al-Qods was a light industry connected to
agricultural products, e.g. the manufacture of oil presses, of soap, which used
oil-pressing by-products, and of bibelots and icons, which were made out of
olive-tree wood. The latter objects were highly sought by Muslim and Christian
pilgrims and by tourists visiting the city. Miniature objects were manufactured
as copies of Mosque Al-Aqsa and of the Holy Sepulchre, and as crosses made of
metal and rosaries made of polished olive stones. Handicraft products included
leather articles, hand-embroidered material (349) , candlesticks, glass-works,
and silverware. (350)
Al-Qods had been well known for the skilful manufacturing of mirrors,
candelabra, and other copper and brass objects since the fourth century of the
Hegira (10th century A.D.). (351) These manufacturing skills have been preserved
in spite of the occupation of Al-Qods by Israel. Moreover, a new kind of light
industry has been introduced, e.g. a canning industry, quarrying, the
manufacture of furniture pieces, tiles, plastic articles, and cigarettes, in
addition to confectionery and soft drink bottling. The Jordanian statistics of
1965 indicate that, in the Arab part of Al-Qods, the number of manufacturing
businesses employing ten or more persons amounted to 152 firms with a total of
2,500 employees. (352)
The fourth pillar of the economy of Al-Qods was the revenue from tourism and
pilgrimage by Muslims and Christians. Such a flow of visitors provided an income
for the inhabitants of the city for their services (accommodation, food, and
transportation charges), as well as a revenue for the local authorities through
the taxes paid by the pilgrims for the maintenance and restoration of the holy
places. Likewise, in Al-Qods and elsewhere, the owners of beasts of burden
earned their living from their transportation services, for the pilgrims who
disembarked in the port of Yaffa needed transportation all the way to Al-Qods.
Also, Muslim pilgrims from the various countries of the Islamic world needed
transportation to the Holy Places in Al-Qods either before or after their
pilgrimage to Mecca. (353)
349.
آshûr, Ibid., p. 108
Ad-Dabbâgh, Our Land Palestine, p. 248.
350. M.A. Aamiry, Jerusalem, Part II, p. 248
351. Imâm Rashâd, Ibid., p. 148
352. Palestine Encyclopedia (1984), Vol. 3, p. 516
353. Imâm Rashâd, Ibid., p. 154.
'آshûr,
Ibid., p. 108 Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 228
The fifth pillar of the economy of Al-Qods consisted of waqf (pious
endowment) property instituted by Muslims and Christians. These endowments were
numerous and provided regular funds for madrassas, mosques, zâouias, tekiyyes,
as well as the Holy Places in the City. Instituting pious endowments was a
common practice throughout the Islamic world in the Ayyubid and Mameluke eras.
Most of these endowments were concentrated in such cities as Al-Qods, Cairo,
Damascus, and Halab. Part of the endowments reserved for the religious buildings
of Al-Qods in the reign of Sultan Ad-Dhâhir Baybars (661 A.H./1262 A.D.) was
farmland in the village of Al-Moushayrifa and half of the farmland in the
village of Kîgha. Moreover, regular funds reserved for Al-Qods also came from
the usufruct of dwellings, buildings used for commercial purposes, and (in other
Islamic countries) essentially farmland. (354)
The sixth pillar in the economic life of Al-Qods consisted of the emoluments
earned and expended by functionaries from this city and from elsewhere, for
their expenditures activated the economy. In 1947, there were in Al-Qods some
ten thousand functionaries who were paid by various governments and spent money
for their living expenses in this city.
Additionally, various international institutions were located in Al-Qods and
thus helped the local economy through the money that they spent as well as the
money that came to them from the exterior. Examples of such institutions :
Christian and Jewish missions, Archaeological Associations, Archaeological
Schools, and various religious establishments. (355) This is roughly what the profile of the economy of Al-Qods was like up to 1948, when Palestine was usurpated by the Sionists. For the period when the city was under the rule of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the economy of the Arab part of Al-Qods had developed to a fair level. Various industries were introduced and both trade and agriculture improved. Small- and mid-sized manufactures were set up in the areas around the city. The number of grown trees, particularly olive-trees had enormously increased. (356) Thus, the city's economy was boosted through resources from industry, tourism, agriculture, hard currency savings by natives working in the Gulf countries and in the American continent, and from aid from Jordan and other Arab countries. (357)
354. 'آshûr;
Ibid., p. 108
Imâm Rashâd, Ibid., p. 143
355. Imâm Rashâd, Ibid., p. 143
356. Al-'Aref, A History of Al-Qods, p. 228
357. Ad-Dajâni (1982) "Economic Factors in the City of Al-Qods before the
Israeli Occupation", The Bulletin of Al-Qods, n° 101, p. 22 In the wake of the Israeli occupation in 1967, the city's economy suffered extensive decline, particularly after the illegal annexation of the Arab part of Al-Qods and its integration in the Israeli economy. This change caused serious damage and led to the following :
1- The closing down of the major hotels in the Arab city, for control of tourism
was now in the hand of the Israelis, who gave business to their hotels, thus
driving Arab Hotels to bankruptcy.
2- The closing down of Arab banks, for the use of the Israeli currency forced
the banks to close down; among these were The Arab Bank, The Bank of Cairo, The
Mortgage Bank, and The People's Bank of Jordan.
3- The ban on all agricultural and industrial products imported from the West
Bank and the Gaza Strip so that only Israeli products would be on the market.
4- Disallowing any funds transfer by Palestinians employed abroad in favour of
their family or relatives living in Al-Qods.
5- Imposing heavy taxes on Arab products absolutely needed in Al-Qods.
6- An immediate consequence of the above-named measures was that many people in
Al-Qods lost their jobs, no more investments were made, cash circulation became
low, and an inevitable economic depression was the order of the day. (358)
The enforcement of Law no. 5728, promulgated in 1968 and related to the
administrative and judicial organization of Al-Qods, aggravated an already
difficult situation and enabled the Israeli authorities to gain full control
over the economic potentialities of Al-Qods. This Law particularly in its
Articles 6-14 stipulated the mandatory re-registration within six months of
every Arab company or cooperative whose headquarters was Al-Qods as an Israeli
enterprise; a further stipulation was that any branches of the company or
cooperative in question should be made autonomous within the period allowed.
As one may expect, the Arab reaction came as a full rejection of such arbitrary
measures, and some Arab companies and cooperatives had purely and simply ceased
their business activity. It should be pointed out that, prior to the enforcement
of this Law, Al-Qods had twenty companies, one hundred and ten cooperatives, and
some six hundred shops. Ultimately, while the number of companies remained the
same, that of the cooperatives dramatically tumbled down to just one
cooperative, the funds of all the other businesses having been seized and
treated as the property of missing persons. (359)
358. The Bulletin of the Royal Commission on the Affairs of Al-Qods,
n° 106 (1983), p. 1
359. Cf. The Bulletin of the Royal Commission on the Affairs of Al-Qods,
n° 106 (1983), p. 6.
Thus did the Israeli enemy manage to paralyze then smother the economic life of
Al-Qods, making its future entirely dependent on the Israeli economy.
The situation in the other occupied territories was no better, for land therein
was taken away from its owners, heavy taxes were imposed, and the prices of
agricultural products were set to suit the Israeli interests.
By means of these draconian
measures, the Israeli authorities have been seeking to break the ties between
the Arab peasant and his farmland and to make him give it up so that the
Israelis may settle in the Arab territories as a prelude to judaicizing them and
expelling their Arab inhabitants from them.
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