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CHAPTER III : A HISTORY OF THE CITY OF AL-QODS IN THE ARAB-ISLAMIC ERA

Muslim Arabs conquered the city of Al-Qods in the reign of wise Caliph Omar bin Al-Khattâb (15 A.H./638 A.D.). (49) Caliph Omar (may Allah be pleased with him) took good care of the Christian and Jewish holy places.

Likewise, he manifested no intolerance of their worship practices. (50) With this Arabo-Islamic conquest, many Arabs settled in Al-Qods, which became an Arab and Islamic city. (51) When the conflict between Ali bin Abi-Tâlib and Mu'âwiyyah ended in favour of the latter (40 A.H./660 A.D.), it was in Al-Qods that, upon the abdication of Al-Hassan bin Ali, Mu'âwiyyah was appointed as a Caliph. (52)

The Umayyad caliphs gave great importance to the city of Al-Qods, where several of them were invested and given allegiance as rulers. In addition to that of Mu'âwiyyah, such was the case of Caliph Suleyman bin Abdul-Mâlik (96 A.H./714 A.D.) among others. The Caliphs had their palaces built in the neighbourhood of the Esplanade of Al-Haram Al-Shareef, as demonstrated by the recently undertaken excavations. The importance of this city to them was brilliantly manifested through the construction of the sumptuous Dome of the Rock and the Mosque of Al-Aqsâ, both of these being considered masterpieces of Umayyad architecture in Palestine. Some Umayyad Caliphs liked Palestine

so much that they decided to settle in Al-Qods. Abdul-Mâlik was one such. Others almost transferred their capital from Damascus to Al-Qods and Ramalah, as in the case of Suleyman bin Abdul-Mâlik. Among other things that the Abbassids inherited from the Umayyads was the city of Al-Qods, which they sought to embellish. Thus, they restored the Mosque of Al-Aqsa and the Dome of the Rock subsequent to the damage that these had suffered. Some of the greatest Abbassid Caliphs, like Al-Mâmûn, Al-Mansûr, and Al-Mahdî, made special journeys to visit Al-Qods.

In the Abbassid era, Muslims and Christians lived together in a symbiotic manner. The Christian pilgrim, Bernard Le Sage, described life in Al-Qods in these terms : "Muslims and Christians in this peaceful city live in perfect harmony". (53)

With the decline that the struggle for succession brought to the bbassid dynasty, both Al-Qods and Palestine came under the administration of the Tûlûnids, who were regional governors from Egypt (265-292 A.H. / 878-905 A.D.). These were succeeded by the Ikhshidites (327-359 A.H. / 939-969 A.D.), who gave such importance to the city of Al-Qods that some of their leaders made the will to be buried in it, and their will was subsequently carried out. (54) Thus Muhammad Al-Ikhshîdî, who died in Damascus, was buried in Al-Qods (334 A.H./945 A.D.). Likewise, the sepulchre of Abul-Qâssim Muhammad (349 A.H./960 A.D.) is located in this city, in which he lies next to the tomb of his father, Muhammad Abul-Qâssim, named "Anûjûr". It was in the reign of the latter that Khosrû, the Muslim traveller of Persian origin, visited Al-Qods, which he thus described in his book, Safarnâma :

"The population of Al-Qods amounts to twenty thousand souls. Its markets are tidy and attractive. Its streets are paved with cobblestones. In the area known as "As-Sâhira", there is a vast necropolis with the tombs of many benefactors in it…" (55)

Also buried in Al-Qods were Abul-Hassan Al-Ikshîdî, who died in 965 A.D., and his successor, "Kâfûr", who made speeches in the city as parts of his travels to Syria and Palestine and who upon his death in Egypt in 53. Palestine Encyclopedia, Vol. 3 (1984), p. 512.

54. Ad-Dabbâgh Mustapha, Beit Al-Maqdis, 9/2-1, p. 118, citing At-Tabarî, pp. 158-161.

55. Al-'Aref (1951), The History of Al-Qods, p. 60. 966 A.D. was carried all the way to the city where his predecessor and master was buried. This goes to show that the importance that Al-Qods had for the  Ikshidites was mainly of a religious and spiritual order. Indeed, in their reign, this holy city did not have much of a commercial, economic, or military role. (56) It was the town of Ramlah which by far played such a role.

Thanks to Jawhar As-Siqalli, the general of the Egyptian army in the reign of Caliph Al-Mu'izz li Dîn-Allah Al-Fâtimî, the Fâtimids in 357 A.H./966 A.D. took advantage of the power-eroding internal differences over succession upon the death of "Kâfûr" and seized the power from the weakened Ikshidites, chasing them away. Hence Al-Qods came under their control in 359 A.H./969 A.D. Accordingly, this city of twenty thousand inhabitants became well-known for the fertility of its farm-land as well as the beauty of its sites, olive-trees, vines, apple-trees, carob-trees, together with the quality of its cotton-fiber and soap-brands. On the political level, it ranked second to Ramlah. (57) The beginning of the Fatimid reign was marked by such good treatment of the Christians within the holy city that Al-'Azîz bin Al-Mu'izz appointed as governor of Palestine a Coptic minister by the name of Abûl-Youmn Qazmân.

At the beginning of his reign, Al-Mansûr bin Abdel'azîz, better known as "Al-Hâkim bi Amr-Allah" (386-411 A.H./996-1020 A.D.), followed the example of Ibn Al-Mu'izz ; however, he subsequently changed his mind and turned against the Christians.

In point of fact, both Christians and Muslims (58) suffered his mismanagement of public affairs. But he ultimately thought better of it and allowed the Christians to build churches, and it is reported that he even went as far as to grant credit from his funds for the construction of places of churches and convents for the benefit of his Christian subjects. This gesture indicates his respect for their religion.

The wall of Al-Qods was erected in the reign of Ad-Dhâhir li I'Zâz Dîn-Allah Al-Hâkim. The earthquake that occurred at that time almost destroyed Al-Aqsâ, but Ad-Dhâhir had it both restored and enlarged. (59)

56. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 61. See also, Ibn To'zâ, An-Nujûm Az-Zâhira fi Akhbâr Misr wal Qâhira (Twinkling Stars in the Chronicles of Egypt and Cairo), Vol. 4, p. 4.

57. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 62.

58. Palestine Encyclopedia, p. 512. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 62.

59. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 63.'Aref, A History of Al-Haram Al-Qodsî, p. 18. In 463 A.H./1070 A.D., the Seljuks put an end to the Fatimid rule of Al-Qods and restored Abbassid legitimacy therein. Thereafter, the Friday Khotba (sermon) was to be delivered in the name of the Abbassid caliph. However, twenty-six years later, the Fatimids, led by Caliph Al-Musta'li, recovered Al-Qods, which they controlled for three years. (60) The Franks, as we will see below, captured the city thereafter.

A number of public institutions were founded in Al-Qods in the Seljuk era, including the "Bîmâristân", which was the first hospital complex in the city, and "Dâr Al-'Ilm" (the House of Learning), which was an annex of "Dâr Al-Hikma" (the House of Wisdom) in Egypt. (61) Geographer Al-Maqdissî, in his Ahsanu At-Taqâssim fî Ma'rifat Al-Aqâlîm, wrote the following by way of describing Al-Qods :

"There is no city greater than Al-Qods. With its mild climate, the winter in it is never harsh and the summer never scorching.

Snow rarely ever falls there, which gives it a quality of paradise.
<…> Built of stone and of neatness rarely equalled elsewhere, it is a pretty city that offers a good life. No inhabitants are nobler or more modest, no markets are tidier, no mosque is larger, and no sights are more wonderful than in Al-Qods…" (62)

Further, Al-Maqdissî writes that "It is prettier than Egypt <…> more majestic and nobler <…> However, being both temporal and spiritual, Al-Qods has its own disadvantages. Hence, for instance, some of its golden walls are teeming with scorpions. Its public baths are sordid. It has few erudites. Many austere-looking and disagreeable Christians live therein. The products on the market there are unreasonably over-taxed. In Al-Qods, the rich man is envied, the man of learning is deserted, the man of letters is disbelieved, and the oppressed man finds no allies…" (63)

60. Palestine Encyclopedia, Vol. 3, p. 572.

61. Palestine Encyclopedia, Vol. 3, p. 512. Al-'Aref, A History of Al-Qods, p. 63

62. This passage was quoted further above.

63. This passage is quoted by Al-'Aref in his book, The History of Al-Qods, p. 64. Al-'Aref quotes it from Al-'Adsi, giving the particulars of the source. Nâssir Khosrû, who visited Al-Qods in 1047 A.D., introduces it as follows:

"The city is enclosed within a fortified wall ; it is built of stone, and it has iron gates. It has some twenty thousand inhabitants, most of whom are artisans. For each guild of craftsmen, there is a special market…" (64)

In 1072 A.D., the Seljuk general Alp Arslan seized Al-Qods. After his death, his son Mâlik Shâh succeeded him and chose the title of "As-Sultân Al-'âdil" (the upright Sultan); however, as it happened under his reign, specifically in 1077 A.D., the inhabitants of Al-Qods rose up against the Seljuk governors. One of the latter, Emir Irtiq bin Iksik At-Turkumânî founded in Al-Qods a dynasty that bore his name. Upon his death in 1091 A.D., his two sons jointly governed Palestine and Al-Qods until 1096 A.D., when the Fatimids made a comeback and took the power away from them. (65)

The Franks took advantage of the conflicts opposing the Fatimids to the Seljuks, ultimately vanquished them, and finally made their long-cherished dream come true by capturing Al-Qods under the pretext of securing the access of Christian pilgrims to the Holy Land. One of the historians of the Crusades describes the conquest of Al-Qods in the following way :

"The Byzantines besieged the city on June 7, 1099 A.D. and it was not until the night from 13th to 14th of July of the same year that they managed to enter it. This long siege as well as the enormous difficulties they had to overcome so as to occupy Al-Qods made them furious. They attacked houses and mosques, and they killed all the people they met on their way : men, women, and children, without distinction or pity."

The slaughter lasted all day Thursday 14 July 1099 A.D. and all night from Thursday to Friday. The Tancred standard that the Crusaders flew at the top of the minaret of the Mosque of Al-Aqsa and of the Dome of the Rock did not spare Muslims from massacre. According to the Armenian sources, more than 65 thousand Muslims were killed during this barbarous attack. The Latin sources give accounts of streets and squares strewn with corpses, cut-off heads, single arms and legs scattered all over. (66)

64. Quoted by Al-'Aref in his book, The History of Al-Qods, p. 65.

65. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 67.

66. In this passage, the author has drawn on Ad-Dabbâgh's Our Land Palestine : Beit Al-Maqdis (1975), pp. 157-180 and on Philippe Hitti's The History of Syria and Palestine, Vol. 2, p. 229.

An eminent Arab historian, Ibn Al-Athîr (1160 A.H./1234 A.D.), in his work Al-Kâmil fi Attârîkh (The Complete in History), writes the following on the siege of Al-Qods and the bloodshed perpetrated by the Christians on the Muslim population :

"When the Christians reached Al-Qods, they besieged it for over forty days (…) They erected two towers (…) Raging battles followed and, for a week, the Christians slaughtered the Muslims…"

Thus eminent Muslim scholars were killed, many of whom were great ascetics, who had turned away from luxuries and physical pleasures in order to devote their life in this holy Islamic city to the worship of Allah.

Gustave Le Bon contrasts the Christians' inhuman behaviour during their occupation of Al-Qods with that of Omar bin Al-Khattab, who was so tolerant, towards the inhabitants of the city, their faith, and their places of worship. (See 'Caliph Omar's Covenant' at the beginning of this book).

On 17 July 1099, when Al-Qods found some peace, the Crusaders met to discuss the future of the holy city. A Christian Kingdom was then created and Godfrey of Bouillon became its ruler, taking the designation of "Defender of the Holy Sepulchre". Godfrey remained the ruler of this Kingdom until he died of typhoid in Jaffa in 1100 A.D. His brother, Baldwin I, succeeded him and, after taking the title of King, became the first Christian monarch of the Kingdom of Al-Qods, which lasted from 1100 to 1187 A.D. He extended his territory as far as the tiny Pharaoh island, thus controlling all the commerce roads linking Damascus to Hedjaz and to Egypt. (67) At his death in 1118 A.D., the Kingdom of Al-Aqsa had reached its peak, stretching from Al-'Aqabah to Beirut and  eastward to the Jordan Valley. (68)

Between 1118 and 1131 A.D., Baldwin II of Le Bourg ruled as the successor of Baldwin I. He was the latter's cousin and, like the latter, he was the count of Edessa (1100-1118 A.D.). Baldwin II was captured by the Muslims in one of the battles he fought against them. He was released at the end of 1124 and in 1125 he returned to Al-Qods, the capital of his Kingdom. His reign was marked by the formation of the Knights Hospitalers and the Knights Tamplars.

Baldwin II was succeeded by his son-in-law, Fulk of Anjou (1131-1143 A.D.), who had many fortresses constructed in order to defend his Kingdom and to extend his power over the commerce roads. (69)

67. Ad-Dabbâgh, Our Land Palestine : Beit Al-Maqdis, pp. 170 and 171.

68. Philippe Hittî, The History of Syria and Palestine, Vol. 2, p. 231.

69. Ad-Dabbâgh, Ibid., pp. 176-77.

70. Al-'Aref (1984), A Detailed History of Al-Qods.

71. Palestine Encyclopedia, Vol. 3, p. 512.

72. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 75.

73. Palestine Encyclopedia, p. 512. Al-'Aref, Ibid., pp. 74 and 76.
     Ad-Dabbâgh, Our Land Palestine : Beit Al-Maqdis, p. 199.

Several works in Arabic and other languages deal with this period :

- Ransiman, A History of the Crusades, in three volumes.
- Ashour 'Abdelfattah, The Crusades Movement, in two volumes, (1975).
- Palestine Encyclopedia, (cf. article on the Christian Kingdom of Al-Qods, Vol. 3, pp. 543-547.
- Ibn Wâssîl (1960), Mufrij-ul-Kurûb fi Akhbâri Beni Ayyûb.

74. Al-'Aref (1984), A Detailed History of Al-Qods, pp. 157-158. Ad-Dabbâgh, Ibid., p. 200.

Upon his death in the course of a hunting expedition, he was succeeded by his son, Baldwin III (1143-1162), whose reign witnessed such important events as the fall of Edessa to the Muslims. He died in Beirut in 1162 A.D. and was succeeded as King of Jerusalem by his brother, Amalric I (1162-1174 A.D.), who was succeeded by Baldwin IV (1174-1185 A.D.), then by Baldwin V (1185-1186 A.D.).

Finally, came the reign of Guy of Lusignan (1186-1187 A.D.), who was captured in 1187 A.D. and released the following year. This makes Guy of Lusignan the last Latin King of Al-Qods, for his political incompetence brought about the decisive battle of Hattin, wherein Salâhuddîn Al-Ayyûbi (Saladin) liberated Al-Qods on October 2, 1187 A.D., putting an end to a period of about eighty-eight years of Frank rule over this city. (70) Upon entering Al-Qods, Salâhuddîn Al-Ayyûbi allowed the Franks to leave the city in exchange for a token tax on each person with the decent financial means to do so. The poor and the have-nots were allowed to leave free of charge. Salâhuddîn Al-Ayyûbi's

treatment of his Frank prisoners was so fair that he has been considered throughout Christendom as a model of Islamic chivalric values. (71) During their reign, the Franks made attempts to modify the aspect of the monuments of the city of Al-Qods. Thus, they put a cross at the top of the Dome of the Rock. They made the Mosque of Al-Aqsa into the headquarters of the order of the knights Templars (72) and appointed a Latin patriarch to replace the Orthodox patriarch. Likewise, they erected a number of religious buildings as well as large-capacity hospices for pilgrims. (73)

When the great Sultan Taqiyuddîn Omar bin Shâhinshâh walked into the gallery of the Mosque of Omar, he made a point of sweeping the floor therein himself, washing it several times with water, using rose water for the last wash, and cleaning its walls and its panelling. (74)

A map of Al-Qods in the Reign of the Crusaders (1170 A.D.) Ransiman, a historiographer of the Crusades, writes about Al-Qods after it was freed by Salâhuddîn and about the relationship between Muslims and Christians that "While the Franks had been for eighty-eight years worse and bloody villains, the Muslims became well known for their uprightness and their goodness. Under their reign, there was neither pillage nor oppression, for security men under the order of Saladin patrolled the streets, saw to the respect of law and order, and prevented any attack of the Christians." (75)

In Salâhuddîn's time, the city of Al-Qods achieved great prosperity. Schools, institutes, hospital complexes, hospices, and leisure centres were constructed in large numbers. Trade was brisk and very fruitful. There was an abundance of export products like cheese, cotton, raisins, olives, apples, special dairy products, mirrors, oil lamps, and so forth. (76)

Among the edifices erected by Salâhuddîn Al-Ayyûbi, one can mention the Mâristân (a hospital complex) (77) , As-Salâhiyya Caravanserai, the Dome of Youssuf, As-Salâhiyya School, Al-Khashaniyya School, Al-Mâmûniyya School, and many other constructions. Al-Qods remained Salâhuddîn Al-Ayyûbi's favourite city to the day he died in 589 A.H./1193 A.D. in Damascus, where he was buried. (78) His Sultanat was subsequently divided up into several kingdoms led by each of his sons, brothers, and cousins. Al-Qods was the lot of his son Al-Afdal, who erected in it Al-Afdaliyya School and Al-'Umarî Mosque. However, he ended up conceding the city to his brother King Al-'Azeez, the Sultan of Egypt. (79)

Among the Ayyubid sultans who particularly favoured the city of Al-Qods were King Al-Mu'addham Sharafuddîn 'Issâ, who, following in the footsteps of King Al-'Aâdil, frequently visited Al-Qods, in which he built several edifices.

75. Ad-Dabbâgh, Ibid., p. 200. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 79.

76. Ad-Dabbâgh, Ibid., p. 204. Al-'Aref, Ibid., pp. 79-80.

77. Some historians believe that the Mâristân was built by the Fatimids. The Franks used it but added no extensions to it. When Salâhuddîn liberated Al-Qods, he had it refurbished and enlarged, thus making the entire complex the largest hospital in the Islamic Empire. Cf. Ahmed Issa, A History of the Mâristân in Islam, p. 230.

78. Al-'Aref, Ibid., pp. 79-82.

79. Al-'Aref, op. cit., p. 82 ; Ad-Dabbâgh, Ibid., p. 221 ; Imam Rashâd, The City of Al-Qods, pp.48-49.

Among these : Al-Mu'addhamiyya School, the ruins of which still exist today between the Gate of Hitta and the Gate of Al-'Utm ; Al-Badriyyah School ; and Sabeel (the Fountain of) Sha'lân. However, Al-Mu'addham's pathological apprehension that the Franks may occupy Al-Qods prompted him to destroy it.

Evidently, his act was badly received by the population of the city. Grieved and heartbroken, he passed away in 1226 A.D. In 1228 A.D., King Al-Kâmil, the brother of King Al-Mu'addham 'Issa, signed with the Franks a pact whereby he gave up the rule of Al-Qods to Frederick II provided that the Islamic holy places in this city were left in the hands of the Muslims. Later on, however, Al-Kâmil's successors managed to liberate this holy city, which remained under their rule until an accord was signed between the Ayyubid and the Mameluke princes in 651 A.H./1253 A.D.

to the effect that territories on the west side of the Jordan River would become Mameluke provinces while those on the east side would become Ayyubid provinces. (80) Accordingly, in 1253 A.D. Al-Qods became Mameluke territory. (81)

Because of its character as a spiritual and holy city, Al-Qods was the object of the Mamelukes' care and interest. Hence, it was only natural that the sultans should make every effort to make close to them the city's general population as well as its scholars and jurisconsults. Moreover, the repeated conflicts between Christians and Muslims and the recovery of the city of Al-Qods by Salâhuddîn Al-Ayyûbi conferred on it special importance. (82)

Sultan Ad-Dhâhir Baybars I was a Mameluke ruler who took the greatest care of Al-Qods, which he visited in 1262 and again in 1265 A.D. Other sultans, like Sayfuddîn Qalâoun, Annaser Mohammed Ibn Qalâun and Al-Ashraf Qaytubay, followed in his footsteps. The cultural institutions that they founded in Al-Qods are still extant and their architecture is of magnificent beauty.

The Mamelukes have constructed in Al-Qods over fifty schools, seven hospices, and dozens of zâouias. In 777 A.H., they removed this city out of the suzerainty of Damascus and turned it into an autonomous principality (Cf. the chapter on "the Evolution of the Administrative Status of Al-Qods") which became dependent upon the Sultanate of Egypt. (83)

80. Al-'Aref, Ibid., pp. 84-85 ; Ad-Dabbâgh, Ibid., p. 221 ; Imam Rashâd, the City of Al-Qods, pp. 48-49.

81. Imam Rashâd, Ibid., p. 56.

82. Imam Rashâd, Ibid., p. 61 ; Al-'Aref, op. cit., pp. 87-88.

83. Palestine Encyclopedia, Vol. 3, p. 513. Imam Rashâd notes in The City of Al-Qods (p. 62)  that Sultan Al-Dhâhir (Baybars I) visited Al-Qods four times : in 661 A.H./1262 A.D. ; 662 A.H./1263 A.D. ; 664 A.H./1265 A.D. ; & 668 A.H./1269 A.D.

The extension of Al-Qods to the north : the Muslim quarters of Al-Mas'ûdî, Wâdî Al-Jawz, and Sheikh Jarrâh. Thus, in the Mameluke reign, Al-Qods had become an outstanding cultural and scientific centre which topped other centers in the Islamic world and which drew into itself students, scholars, and juriconsults from all parts of the world.

The many schools built in that era as well as the valuable documents found in the Mosque of Al-Aqsa and dating back to the Mameluke dynasty all bear witness to this situation. The documents in question contain a list of schools and pious endowments (waqfs) at the time. The income from such endowments was used to cover students' and instructors' expenses. It should be noted that pious endowments played a preponderant role in the funding of education in the Mameluke era, and that whenever such funds ceased, the schools closed down and the instructors stopped teaching. (84)

Although the city of Al-Qods in the Ayyubid and Mameluke eras knew definite prosperity, it did not escape periods of trouble. When unrest occurred, lack of security was sorely felt, and the city sometimes suffered from pillage and vandalism. The following are some of the widely known periods of trouble :

1. After the assassination of Sultan 'Izzuddîn Ayback by his wife Shajar Addourr, his son was installed as his successor ; however, because of his minority, it was actually Prince Sayfuddîn Qotr who ruled as the regent. This power intrigue did not please the Mamelukes who lived in Al-Qods and who revolted against this ruler from Egypt. Thus, they declared allegiance to the Ayyubid Sultan Al-Mughît of Al-Kûrk (85) , in whose name the Friday sermon was delivered in mosques. On the other hand, the Mamelukes of Egypt soon counteracted by saving Al-Qods from the conspirators' hands and bringing the city back under the rule of the Mameluke dynasty in Egypt after a few months' insubordination (86) … the first of its kind in Egyptian Mameluke control of Al-Qods.

2. Among other troublesome events, Al-Qods was repeatedly raided by Mongols whose attacks spared none of the cities throughout Al-Shâam. One can mention the invasion led by Ghâzân bin Arghûn, 84. Al-'Aref, The History of Al-Qods, pp. 88-89. Palestine Encyclopedia, Vol. 3, p. 513. Imâm Rashâd, Ibid., pp. 63-81. 'Ashûr Sa'id Abdulfattâh, Al-Qods, pp. 89-92. Proceedings of the Third Congress on the History of Al-Shâam (Palestine), Vol. 1. 85. A peace treaty signed between Mamelukes and Ayyubids designated territories west of the Jordan River as Mameluke provinces and those to the east of it as Ayyubid provinces. Accor-dingly, Al Kûrk was an Ayyubid province.

86. Imam Rashâd, Ibid., p. 84.

who occupied Damascus, Gaza, and Al-Qods, and who located great fortunes, by the account of the historian, Ibn Al-Wardî. (87) One can also mention the invasion of Timûr Lank (Tamerlane), who occupied Damascus. Although he never managed to occupy Al-Qods, his cruelty was such that the spiritual leaders of Al-Qods designated a notable man amongst them, Sheikh Fûlâd bin Abdullah, and entrusted him with the task of delivering to Tamerlane the keys to the Holy Places that he might be persuaded to spare Al-Qods suffering and looting at the time of its imminent conquest.

Fortunately, however, while the Sheikh was on his way to meet Tamerlane in Damascus, he learned that the latter had sought other destinations; the holy city was thus spared from his invasion. (88)

3. There were also Bedouin attacks which emanated from the areas around Al-Qods, and which were particularly repeated during extended periods of drought and were cause of disorder and highway banditism. Al-Maqrîzî states that, in 748 A.H./1346 A.D., the prices of food products soared to such an extent that Bedouins unhesitatingly attacked the city and plundered its wealth (89) .

Al-Hanbalî describes such attacks in these terms : "The Bedouins penetrated the city, plundered practically everything, and wrecked every part of it (…) It was an outrage never seen before." (90)

4. In 885 A.H./1480 A.D., the King's representative in Al-Qods, Nâssiruddîn bin Ayyûb, in his eagerness to put an end to Bedouin attacks, had some individuals from the Banî-Zeid tribe arrested and executed ; but this measure only brought out fierce Bedouin reactions. Indeed, they renewed their wrecking of the city, plundering its shops (91) and smashing the doors of its prisons. The governor of the city took flight, and anarchy reigned supreme. The whole imbroglio turned the city into a hellish place. (92)

Among the internal disturbances in the Mameluke era, particularly in the reign of Qaytbay, was a conflict between the inspector of the Holy Places and the representative of the Sultan in Al-Qods. The city's popu-lation itself became involved in this conflict and anarchy returned. (93)

87. Ibn Al-Wardî, Tatimmatu Al-Mukhtassar fi Akhbâr Al-Bashar (1868), Vol .2.

88. Al-Unsu Al-Jalîl, Vol. 2, p. 514.

89. Al-Maqrîzî, As-Soulûk li Ma'rifati Douwwal al-Moulûk, Vol. 2, Chapter III, pp. 740-798, and p. 804.

90. Al-Unsu Al-Jalîl, Vol. 2, p. 656. Imam Rashâd, Al-Qods, p. 87.

91. Imâm Rashâd, Ibid., pp. 87-88.

92. Al-Unsu Al-Jalîl, Vol. 2, p. 656.

93. Al-'Aref, The History of Al-Qods, p. 98.

5. There were also discords between Muslims and Jews about a house in the Jewish quarter between the synagogue and the mosque. The  matter was taken to court and the verdict was in favour of the Jews.

The Muslims were not happy with this decision and complained to the Sultan in Egypt, who first invalidated the verdict of the dignitaries of Al-Qods. However, he soon regained his self-control and issued a decision in favour of the Jews. Rumours had it that the Jews had won the case only because of the sums of money that they had paid to the Sultan's treasury, and the Muslims revolted and destroyed the synagogue. Infuriated by this situation, the Sultan sent for the dignitaries to come and see him. They were brought to him all chained up. They were subsequently flogged then thrown into prison.

They were not freed until the revolt was over. (94) Shortly before the fall of their dynasty, the Mamelukes had very strained relationships with neighbours, the Ottomans, for various reasons, among which were border disputes as well as the support given by the Mamelukes to the brother of the Ottoman sultan, Selim I, who was aspiring to the throne. Selim I applied himself to the conquest of Al-Shâm and Egypt and thus put an end to the Mameluke dynasty. (95)

Most historians state that Sultan Selim I occupied Al-Qods in 1517 A.D. in the aftermath of the Battle of the Dâbiq Plain, which opened to him the door for the conquest of Syria and Egypt. It is reported that, upon entering Al-Qods, the first thing he did was to visit the Holy Places and pay reverence to the tombs of the Prophets. Selim I was warmly received by the city's inhabitants and was feasted in the precincts of the Mosque of Al-Aqsa. However, they deliberately served the food in plates that, conventionally, only the poor used when serving a guest. They thereby meant to convey to the Sultan how much they had suffered from Bedouin acts of vandalism and how much they need his help. In response, the Sultan promised to restore, and to make higher, the wall around the city so as to protect them from further Bedouin attacks. This promise was not kept in the short run because the Sultan immediately returned to the capital of his kingdom. It was only later that his son, Suleiman Al-Qânûnî, fulfilled this promise once he succeeded his father.

The restoration of the wall of Al-Qods took five years (1536-1540 A.D.) ;
the citadel, too, was restored. More mosques, schools, Khânqas, and fountains

94. Al-'Aref, Ibid., pp. 99 and 100.
95. Al-'Aref, Ibid., pp. 103 and 104.

were built. The Dome of the Rock was renovated and new tiling was laid on its floor. Likewise, the walls and doors of the Esplanade of the Mosque of Al-Aqsa were restored. The earthentile of Qubbat As-Silsila (the Dome of the Chain) was renovated. (96) Under Sultan Suleiman, the city of Al-Qods enjoyed the kind of great care that it was not going to get from his successors, Selim II, Murâd III, Muhammad III, Ahmed I, Mustapha I, and Osman II. In point of fact, for this phase of its dependency on Egypt from 1566 to 1622 A.D., Al-Qods had drawn no benefit whatsoever.

With the ascension of the throne by Sultan Murâd IV in 1622 A.D., Al-Qods came to the foreground again. Mourâd IV prohibited the consumption of both coffee and tobacco by the inhabitants of Al-Qods. (97) He erected the citadel that bears his name, the Citadel of Mourâd, within which he had a mosque and some fifty houses constructed for his soldiers. (98) Murâd IV was succeeded by his brother, Ibrahim bin Ahmed I (reigned 1640-48 A.D.), then by Ibrahim's son, Muhammad IV (reigned 1648-87 A.D.), who built the minaret of the Citadel (1655 A.D.) and the mosque adjacent to the Fountain of Sha'lân (1651 A.D.). (99) The best description of Al-Qods in this era was made by the well-known Turkish traveller, Evliyâ Tshelebî, who visited this city in 1670 A.D. and left a detailed account of it. Among other things, he praises the quality of its bread, fruits, and vegetables. He writes that Al-Qods was well-known for the excellent  musk, perfume, incense, and brass censers made in it. He also relates that there were two thousand and forty-five shops in this city, that there were many markets, and that there was an official who controlled prices. According to him, the fields around the city contained vineyards containing as many as forty-three thousand trees and as many as one thousand and five hundred bridges. Tshelebî reports that the population of Al-Qods amounted to forty-six thousand inhabitants and that most of these were Muslim Arabs. There were, by his account, one Armenian church, three Roman churches, two synagogues, two hundred and fifty mihrâbs (prayer recesses for Muslims), seven schools for the teaching of religious sciences, ten Quranic schools, forty boy schools, six public

96. Al-'Aref, Ibid. p. 105. Palestine Encyclopedia, Vol. 3, p. 542.
97. The use of tobacco had become widespread in the Ottoman Empire by 1603 A.D.

98. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 105.

99. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 105.

(Turkish) baths, eighteen fountains, and various tekkiyye (dervish convents) belonging to seventy brotherhoods, including those of Al-Kaylâniyya, Al-Badawiyya, As-Sa'diyya, Ar-Rifâ'iyya, and Al-Maoulaouiyya. (100) Notwithstanding the prosperity described by Tshelebî, security was poor or non-existent, particularly outside the ramparts of Al-Qods, which was dependent on Tripoli, Syria, in this era.

In 1824 A.D., there were uprisings subsequent to the heavy taxation imposed by Mustapha Pasha, the governor of Syria. When it became impossible for the local officials to put down the uprisings, Mustapha Pasha decided to go to Al-Qods in person, at the head of an army of five thousand janissaries. Upon reaching Al-Qods, he was greatly surprised that its inhabitants had not come out to welcome him the conventional way. Moreover, they had refused to pay even the Sultanat taxes. Infuriated by this situation, Mustapha Pasha ordered his janissaries to confiscate his subjects' money and to destroy the crops in their fields and all their property. After Mustapha Pasha had left, the uprisings became even more violent than before. The rebels occupied the Citadel, seized the arms therein, locked up the janissaries, and even mistreated some of the inhabitants. They appointed as administrators of Al-Qods two of its inhabitants, Youssuf 'Arab Al-Jabjâb and Ahmad Aghâ Ad-Duzwâr, (101) in order to avoid its fall into anarchy.

When the Ottoman sultan learned of this new uprising, he instructed that it should be put down immediately. To this end, he ordered Abdullah Pasha (1826 A.D.), the governor of Saîda (Sidon), to advance on Al-Qods and make peace in it. Abdullah Pasha accordingly managed to bring order back to the city in 1827 A.D., after violent fighting with the rebels, who were successful in imposing their conditions, namely abolishing taxation and granting total amnesty to all in the city.

In 1831 A.D., the Egyptian Ibrahim Pasha conquered Al-Qods and all of Palestine. The holy city, by the terms of Kotahia Accord (1831 A.D.), was put under the tutelage of Cairo. However, in 1834 A.D., Al-Qods rebelled once more against Ibrahim Pasha subsequent to his decision to disarm the city's population and to make military service compulsory. Anarchy prevailed and the rebels took the city by storm, but the Battle of Fahmâs was decisive. The Egyptian army triumphed and Ibrahim victoriously entered Al-Qods, where 100. Al-'Aref, Ibid., pp. 105-106.

101. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 110.
102. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 116.
103. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 116.
104. Al-'Aref, Ibid., pp. 118-119.

only the Jews and the Christians welcomed him. The surrender of the Muslims of Al-Qods was provisional and was only the result of the blind and repressive policy adopted by Ibrahim Pasha. Further uprisings subsequently broke out, spread throughout Palestine, and were to end only with the withdrawal of the Egyptian soldiers in 1841 A.D., after a military presence which lasted some ten years. (102)

All these disturbances, which shook up Al-Qods in this era, did not hamper its development. For instance, many public places were constructed, including the windmill in the west part of Al-Qods, which is considered the first public facility as far as the collective milling of the inhabitants' cereals is concerned. Among other constructions were the Zaouiyat Al-Ibrahîmiyya, located north of the shrine of Prophet Daoud (David), which is on Zion Hill; the Citadel of Wâdî Al-Jaouz and several other citadels for the control of the road linking Jaffa to Al-Qods.

Moreover, nepotism and favouritism had decreased and an interest in developing a road network increased. Alien tradesmen were allowed to ply their trade freely and with no constraints whatsoever. The tribute that used to be paid out to priests as church guardians, like the one-fifth (al-Khoumus) which used to be levied on the harvests, was abolished. Grain seeds were handed out to farmers, who were encouraged to grow fruit-trees and to increase the yield of their orchards. New cultures were introduced and nomads in large numbers had been compelled to settle down as a sedentary community. (103) When Al-Qods was back under Ottoman tutelage, its twenty thousand inhabitants, of whom one thousand were Christian, resumed a life of peace. The Ottoman sultan showed care for Al-Haram Al-Qodsî and in 1860 A.D. decided to allocate sums amounting to twenty thousand Turkish lires for the funding of its restoration. This interest seems to have been motivated by the Crimean War (1855), which broke out due to a dispute over the Palestinian Holy Places.

Victory in this war was, as everybody knows, a victory of the Turkish side hanks to the help of the French and the British, who sought to take advantage of this military success.

Al-Qods became an independent principality in 1871. Its streets and markets were paved (1863). It was in this era that the people of Al-Qods knew, and started wearing, the fez. (104)

A map of Al-Qods in the 6th century A.D. on a mosaic plate found in Mâdiâ in 1897 A.D.

The year 1882 A.D. saw the promulgation of the Ottoman decree prohibiting the migration of Jews to Palestine and the purchase of land in it.

This decree was subsequently amended, however, to allow Jews to get into Palestine to accomplish their religious duties.

1892 A.D. saw the construction of the Municipal Hospital, located near Sheikh Badr. In 1891 and 1892, railway tracks were laid down to link Al-Qods to Jaffa.

Subsequent to the revolution in 1908 A.D. of the Young Turks, who let the "Union and Progress" committees, the Constitution was re-established after it had been suspended by Abd-al-Hmîd II in 1878 A.D. Al Qods was represented by three deputies in the (Ottoman) Parliament : Sa'îd Bak Al-Hosseini, Rûhi Bak Al-Khâlidî of the city of Al-Qods, and Hâfez As-Sa'îd.

When the Young Turks gave up their liberal program and advocated a nationalist pan-Turkism, antagonism developed between Arabs and Turks, thus poisoning their mutual relationship, particularly in the aftermath of the assassinations committed by the bloodthirsty General Jamâl Pasha, who executed four Palestinians : Ali An-Nashâshibî from Al-Qods, Ahmad 'Aref Al-Husseinî and his son, both from Gaza, and Selim Abdulhâdî from Nablus.

The Ottoman Turks lost the war and Al-Qods fell to the British on December 9, 1917 (105) after it had been under Turkish tutelage for four centuries.

Martial law was proclaimed in Al-Qods under General Bill Borton, who resigned for health reasons only two weeks after he was appointed military governor of the city, and was replaced by General Alexander Baird. All of Palestine was now administrated by a high military officer, aided by an administrative governor. (106)

The establishing of the British mandate caused great disappointment to Arabs and Muslims alike, particularly to the Palestinians, as the Balfour Declaration contained the British Government's promise to aid the establishment of a Jewish "homeland" in Palestine under the leadership of the Zionist movement. Thus, Arabs and Ottoman Muslims lost their territories because of the betrayal and the defection of the British.

105. Al-'Aref, The History of Al-Qods, pp. 128-129.
106. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 139.

The mandated State in Palestine implemented a policy whose main objective was to help with the creation of the Jewish homeland and foster Jewish immigration there. It also enabled them to purchase and own land in Palestinian territories. The World Zionist Congress was allowed to open up offices in Palestine and to pursue agricultural, cultural, and educational activities as a prelude to the establishment of the future State. The British also allowed Jews to conduct military training under the pretext that these formed a minority, and that they had the right to defend themselves against any eventual attack.

Under the British mandate, the Palestinian nationalist movement led strong opposition both to the policy of Jews immigration and settlement of Palestinian territories and to the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. In this period,the city of Al-Qods witnessed bloody demonstrations whereby Palestinians expressed their rejection of the British mandate, declared their opposition to the Balfour Declaration, and their hostility to the World Zionist Congress, and requested the independence of Palestine within the framework of the territorial unity of Al-Shâm (Syria and Palestine). (107)

The action of the Palestinian national movement is notably demonstrated through the revolutions of 1920, 1925 and 1929. It was also demonstrated through the well-known six-month strike, which began on 25 April 1936 A.D.

and did not end until the leaders of the Arab States intervened. (108) In a general manner, one may repeat the words of the late 'Aref Al-'Aref by way of epitomizing the situation in Palestine in this era :

"Under the British Occupation, the Palestinian people continually requested the installing of the parliamentary system, the abolition of the British mandate, and the struggle against the establishment of a national "Jewish homeland". Alas, all the efforts made for this purpose have failed because the British Government's connivance with the Jews and its strong support of their action towards the realization of their project to judaicize Palestine." (109)

107. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 141. Emile Al-Ghûrî, The Royal Commission Bulletin, pp. 18-19.
108. Shâat Shawqî, Arab Resistance in Resistant Palestine (Aleppo).

109. Al-'Aref, Ibid., p. 161.

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