Role of Non-Governmental Organisations

in the Protection of Sanctities

Case Study : Coalition of Goodwill

By : Mr. ‘Issam Yusuf(*)

Introduction

Since its occupation of Palestine, most specifically Al Quds, the Zionist entity has engaged in a practically whole process of altering the demographic and architectural structure of the city. From the first day of the occupation to date, the occupier has pursued the judaisation of the city within the framework of a systematic policy of land expropriation and confiscation, eviction of Arab Palestinian inhabitants from these lands and depriving them, under a host of pretexts and justifications, of the right to reside there. Today, Al Quds finds itself enclosed within a belt of colonies that strive to impose a fait accompli that would be difficult to undo and which precludes the possibility of a return to the past.

The most dangerous acts perpetrated against Islamic and Christian holy sites by the Zionist enemy are the threats of collapse resulting from continuous excavations, the attempts to desecrate Al Haram by breaking into it and praying at the Al Aqsa Mosque, the plots to demolish it and rebuild the alleged temple on its ruins and the Jewish  take-over of the Buraq Wall under the false claim that it is the Wailing Wall, and thus take control of a holy site that can be used as evidence of their religious rights in the city. Israeli excavations have gone through a number of phases all of which were a blatant aggression against human civilisation and an unprecedented example of historical falsification and distortion. The most pernicious of these excavations was the extensive digging of tunnels under the esplanade of a Haram Al Sharif and around the foundations of Al Aqsa Mosque.

The siege maintained by Israel around Al Quds, by setting up new colonies, expanding existing ones and linking them to each other and to southern Al Quds, renders it impossible for East Al Quds to continue as the capital of the Palestinian State and as an economic, political and administrative hub for the State of Palestine. Drawings of the Partition Wall built by Israel in the West Bank show that Israel will pursue the erection of this wall and will surround East Al Quds, compounding an already difficult situation at all levels.

Several resolutions have been issued by international and regional -official and non-governmental- organisations confirming Arab rights in Al Quds. Yet, the Israeli entity, with the help of some major western countries, continues to ignore these resolutions and is hard at work to achieve a new status quo where the Islamic and Christian features of the holy city are erased and the old city and the surrounding neighbourhoods are judaised. This necessitates finding new mechanisms for the implementation of these resolutions if we are to recover Al Quds and preserve its Islamic and Christian holy sites.

First : International Resolutions and Legal Status of Al Quds

Since the Israeli entity occupied West Jerusalem in the 1948 war, international resolutions have been issued by the United Nations and attached organisations. One of these resolutions was the UN Regency Council’s Decision No. 114 of 20 December 1949, stipulating the retraction by Israel of its declaration of Al Quds as its capital. Thus, the legal status of the western part of Al Quds, occupied in 1949, became part of occupied territories and is therefore governed by the fourth Geneva Convention.

However, after the signature of an Israeli-Jordanian armistice in 1949, the repartition of the city between the two parties became a confirmed reality. But Israel expressed  its expansionist desires and  declared that the 1948 war had brought about a new situation as compared to the one established by the  international organisation in 1947, until the regency body which was part of the International Organisation established the system of international administration for the holy city in April 1950. This was the legal situation in West Al Quds.

The eastern part of the city, on the other hand, was considered from 1949 to 1950 as Palestinian territory that was temporarily annexed to Jordan. In 1950, another development unfolded. Dissatisfied with the lands it had usurped under what it called “de facto repartition”, Israel announced on 23 January 1950 that the whole of Al Quds was its political capital. The Jordanian government decided to follow the same policy of “fait accompli” and placed the regions located in Al Quds and its suburbs and in the West Bank under its regency on 22 April 1950. This status was maintained until 1967 when East Al Quds was also occupied and joined its other half in being occupied territory and being governed by the Geneva Conventions.

Since 1967, Israel tried to concretise its claims about Al Quds through a series of policies and measures the aim of which was to create a new reality and to modify the legal status of the holy city, thus serving the Israeli judaisation plot. In other words, Israel tried to trigger essential changes in the demographic composition and the geographical, administrative and economic situation with the aim of turning the Palestinians living in Al Quds into “a marginalised  minority gradual extinction” while the Jewish presence grows stronger. The Israeli policies and measures, in fact, covered all aspects of life and were all of an arbitrary and discriminatory nature.

The Arabs contested these measures and brought their complaints before the United Nations Organisation which issued resolutions on 4/7/1967 and 14/7/1967 declaring that Israeli measures null and void, and demanded their retraction and Israel’s refraining from any action likely to alter the situation in Palestine.

These resolutions and similar decisions taken about the issue of Al Quds were the most explicit evidence of the fact that Israel was not allowed to annex the occupied territory, impose its sovereignty over it, or take any decision of a political nature regarding it. Indeed, the authority of the occupier is temporary in nature and exists on the ground by virtue of the situation. It certainly is not a legitimate right.

The international resolution 252 of 21 May 1968 condemned Israel’s annexation of Al Quds and reiterated the illegality of these measures and the need to preserve the status of Jerusalem.

Yet, Israel took no heed of the position of the international community and persisted in its illegal actions against Al Quds, reaching a peak in 1980 when the Israeli Knesset adopted a de facto law  declaring Al Quds as the unified capital of Israel, prompting the security council once again to issue Resolution 478 on 20 August 1980. The salient points of this resolution emphasised that Israel’s adoption of the basic law on Al Quds, issued by the Knesset, constitutes a breach of international law, and hinders the application of the Fourth Geneva Protocol on all occupied territories, including Al Quds. The Resolution reiterated the non- recognition of this “law” and of any other action taken by Israel aimed at altering the features and status of Al Quds.

The international community denounced the law legislated by the Israeli Knesset, while Decision 478 condemned Israel and called upon the countries that had established diplomatic missions in Al Quds to withdraw this representation. Accordingly, 12 out of 13 countries closed down their embassies there and only Costa Rica maintained its mission open. Under the Reagan Administration, the United States abstained from voting for Security Council Decision 478 which considered the basic law on the annexation of Jerusalem null and void and demanded that Israel rescind it.

In line with the decisions of the Arab Summit and General Conference that considers the Palestinian Liberation Organisation the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, Jordan announced its decision to invalidate its legal and administrative association with the West Bank in 1988.

This serves to stress the importance of the declaration of the National Palestinian Council in Algiers in 1988 proclaiming Al Quds Al Sharif as the capital of the State of Palestine and the recognition by 124 countries of the state of Palestine. On these grounds, Al Quds acquires an international legal status  as the capital of Palestine while, in contrast, we find that the whole world considers Israeli presence in Al Quds as the illegal presence of an occupying force that has no right other than administering the city until the return of the National Palestinian leadership after the liberation. Thus, the 124 countries that strongly supported the establishment of the state of Palestine, have gone beyond the special status of Al Quds, conferring upon it a new legal status, namely that of the capital of Palestine.

Following this same declaration, the UN General Conference welcomed the creation of the state of Palestine and changed the title of the PLO representative in the UN to that of the Representative of Palestine. Lately, it has upgraded the level of representation to that of a country albeit without granting it the right to candidacy and voting. All along, this international organisation was certainly not unaware of the fact that proclaiming the birth of the state of Palestine also involved stipulating that the capital of that state was Al Quds. The positions of the world’s countries on the occupation of East Al Quds in 1967 confirmed the special status of this city. Thus, on 14 July 1967, the United States declared, through its representative at the General Assembly, Arthur Goldberg, that it considered Al Quds as one of the oldest capitals of the world, that the eastern part occupied by Israel in 1967 is an occupied territory governed by the law of military occupation, and that Israel was not to take any measures aimed at changing the status of this city.

On 14 July 1967, the General Assembly issued a resolution denouncing Israel for its failure to comply with Resolution 2253 which emphasised the illegality of the measures taken by Israel to alter the legal status of the city, and reiterated its call to Israel to rescind all measures taken and refrain from any other action likely to modify the status of Al Quds.

Israel’s decision to adopt Al Quds as its eternal capital is a blatant violation of international legality and runs counter to the provisions of international law and all the decisions of the Security Council, including Decision 250 of 1968 which urge Israel to refrain from organising a military parade in Al Quds as this would lead to an escalation of tensions and would have an adverse consequence on the peaceful settlement, and demands that Israel abandon the idea of a military parade.

Similarly, the General Assembly issued Resolution 2254 of 1968 which considered all the administrative and legislative measures taken by Israel, including those on land and property expropriation, with the aim of altering the legal status of the city as null and void.

There was also Resolution 267 of 1969 in which the Security Council stressed that all of Israel’s administrative and legislative procedures are totally void and cannot modify the legal status of Jerusalem; there is also Resolution 465 of 1980 calling for the dismantling of all colonies set up on occupied territories, including East Al Quds. The aforementioned Resolution 478 of 1980 called upon all countries not to transfer their diplomatic missions to Al Quds on the grounds that all the legislative and settlement measures and procedures aimed at changing the legal status of the city are null and void and in violation of international law. Other resolutions were Resolution 672 of 1990, 673 of 1990 and 904 of 1994, all of which condemned Israel for the acts of violence committed against the Palestinians in the massacre that took place on the esplanade of the Al Aqsa Mosque in October 1990, and referred to Jerusalem as an occupied territory.

One of the UN-affiliated organizations that have played an important role in the question of Al Quds is UNESCO. Following the adoption by the General Assembly of Resolution 2235 on 4 July 1967 (99 countries voted for and 20 abstained), calling upon Israel to nullify all measures taken in Al Quds, Hebron and other towns and to immediately refrain from any action likely to alter the status of Al Quds, UNESCO, convening in its 15th session in 1968, issued two decisions (342 and 343). In the first one, UNESCO recommended that necessary measures be taken, with the help of the high commissioners, to ensure full compliance with the provisions and recommendations of the Geneva Convention on the international principles that must be observed with regard to archaeological excavations, as adopted in 1959 by the UNESCO General Conference in its 9th session. The second resolution addressed an urgent international appeal to Israel, within the framework of the General Assembly’s Resolution 2253, to :

- Preserve with great care the historical buildings and monuments, as well as other cultural property, particularly in the old city of Al Quds.

- Refrain from carrying out any archaeological excavations, moving these assets or altering the city’s features or cultural and historical character.

Since then, UNESCO has not ceased to issue appeals and condemnation resolutions against Israel for its onslaught on historical monuments, in particular those located in Al Quds, such as the excavations carried out under Al Aqsa and the arson committed against this mosque in 1969.

UNESCO’s “World Heritage Committee” also rejected all attempts by Israel, made since 2000, to register Mount David and other landmarks in Palestine on the world heritage list as Israeli property. The Arab League and Arab delegations within this Committee played an important role in this refusal.

UNESCO and the United Nations contributed funds, technical expertise and human resources to the restoration of several Islamic and Christian holy sites in Palestine, and Jerusalem in particular, such as the renovation of Al Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock, as well as the Church of Resurrection and a number of monasteries.

Second : Al Quds in Arab and Islamic Action (Governmental and non-governmental)

With Al Quds as the essence of the Palestinian cause and in view of the fundamental importance it holds due to its religious position, the quest for its return to the Arab and Islamic fold and standing fast in the face of Zionist attempts to obliterate the human and religious heritage of the followers of Islam and Christianity were great responsibilities. The Arab League, with its many organs, was extremely active in issuing different resolutions that stressed the Arab identity of Al Quds. Some of these decisions and resolutions are:

Decisions issued in reaction to the international measures aimed at enabling Zionists to lay claim to the lands of Al Quds. For example, Decision 3911 of 26 March 1980 called for requesting all countries that had embassies in Al Quds to transfer them to another city. Decision 4338 of 21 March 1984 called for extensive moves and efforts to persuade the United States of America not to yield to the Zionist pressures and lobbying to transfer the American Embassy to Al Quds.

Decisions issued in reaction to Zionist measures and acts : these include Decision 2355 of 13 September 1967, issued directly after the occupation of East Al Quds, and calling for resisting the pressures Israel was exercising on all countries to recognise the occupied Al Quds as its capital. The decision also denounced Zionist measures aimed at changing the status of the city. The Foreing Ministers’decision dated 20 September 1980 came as a response to the decision of the Israeli Knesset to annex Al Quds, and reiterated the commitment of the League to the use of all its political, financial, military and oil resources to confront the Zionist decision ; they undertook to impose a political and economic embargo on the countries that support the Zionist decision.

The decisions taken on the principles of Arab action and on focusing on the severance of all ties with Israel, on the ban of all direct and indirect financial or commercial transactions with Israel.

The decisions pertaining to the city, underscoring the Arabs’ rights there and the importance of preserving and restoring holy sites.

Other Arab League bodies are the Arab League Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organisation -ALECSO-, and Al Quds Fund which was set up following the eruption of the Blessed Al Aqsa Intifada in September 2000. These institutions play an important role in the protection of Islamic and Christian holy cities in Palestine and Al Quds. The Creation of Al Quds Fund came as a reaction to the cause of the Intifada, namely the walkabout of Ariel Sharon, before he took over his post as prime minister, in the precincts of Haram Al Sharif, surrounded by 3,000 Israeli military and police troops.

Arab countries continued to consider Palestine and Al Quds as their number one concern. The Arab Summit held in Beirut in March 2002 submitted concrete solutions to Israel in return for the creation of a Palestinian state. But these proposals were considered neither in Washington nor in Tel Aviv. Instead, the American Administration gave Ariel Sharon free reign while the American Congress legitimised Israeli assassinations and occupation.

With regard to the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), it was created in the aftermath of the burning of Al Aqsa Mosque in 1969. Since then, the issue of Al Quds has been one of its top priorities. The organisation has 57 member states and three main organs, namely the conference of kings and heads of state, held every three years, the annual conference of foreign ministers, and a Secretariat General based in Jeddah.

Al Quds has been the focal point of the Organisation’s ministerial meetings, but a number of factors stand in the way of implementing its resolutions, namely the absence of co-ordination and follow-up among the Organisation’s Member States and organs, the existence of certain conflicts between Islamic countries, failure to implement decisions, and the absence of media and political co-ordination between Islamic states at the international level, which weakens the effectiveness and impact of these resolutions and decisions.

The Organisation contributes to the preservation of Islamic holy sites through a number of activities the most important of which involve the restoration and renovation of these sites, particularly within Al Haram Al Sharif. These contributions come either as financial donations or technical expertise and human resources made available for the accomplishment of these works. The Organisation of the Islamic Conference and its specialised institutions, such as Al Quds Committee and the Bayt Mal Al Quds Agency, as well as ISESCO, endeavour to involve national institutions within the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and Palestine in the maintenance and restoration of Islamic waqfs of lands and buildings in Palestine and the preservation as much as possible of the monuments and holy places located on or in these waqfs through recourse to political and material instruments.

At the Arab and Islamic community level, the Islamic, Christian, nationalist and national powers outside occupied Palestine have carried out a number of activities and held conferences that contributed towards keeping the issue of Al Quds alive in the conscience of the Ummah. These non-governmental role-players issued many statements, one of which is the 1979 historical document known as ‘The Chart for the Defence of Al Quds’ issued in Amman by the People’s Conference on the Defence of Al Quds.

However, a number of organisations and community institutions based inside occupied Palestine and dealing with the issue of Al Quds rely on Western funds, which tends to influence their interests. Although Palestine plays host to a diverse selection of professional, research, promotion, charity and human rights organisations, exceeding by far all the neighbouring countries in this respect, they all carry out activities approved by the foreign financing party and, therefore,  may not be beneficial to the inhabitants of Al Quds. The most revealing of these examples are these organisations that concern themselves with research or the promotion of the culture of peace, neglecting in the process vital issues such as those related to economic aspects and Zionist violations.

The Islamic Palestinian associations and the donations provided by Arab and Islamic non-government agencies play a vital role in the rescue of Palestinians in terms of subsistence, health and education.. Despite their scarcity, these donations have managed to create an economic integration that guarantees the basics for Palestinians who endure the afflictions of poverty, unemployment and Zionist aggressions.

Bearing in mind the fact that the funds secured by the Palestinian Authority go directly to covering the salaries of civil servants working in the security, health and educational sectors (60% of the expenses in the Authority’s budget are directly spent on salaries), and in spite of the Authority’s endeavours to bolster its position in the face of the onslaughts on its existence, legitimacy and authority, the heaviest part of the burden has fallen on the shoulders of these associations.

In general, the mission of these associations is built around a number of bases and objectives, namely :

1- Supporting the Palestinian and Jordanian efforts to preserve the architectural composition and identity of the occupied Palestinian territories.

2- Rehabilitating and restoring Islamic and Christian holy sites in Al Quds and other Palestinian cities that were damaged as a result of Israeli policies and practices.

3- Adopting a media policy aimed at exposing the Israeli arbitrary practices and reaching governments and peoples of the world in this regard.

4- Supervising and preserving Palestinian waqfs a large share of which was usurped by Israel between 1948 and 1967 and proclaimed as zones under Israeli military rule.

5- Providing financial support for the Arab inhabitants of Al Quds to enable them to resist Israeli policies aimed at forcing them, through harassment and persecution, to abandon their lands. These policies also deny Palestinians the right to restore their houses or build new ones, thus forcing many of them to migrate due to the inability of Arab areas in Al Quds to accommodate the natural demographic growth of the Palestinians. The latter are often residents on lands that belong to the Waqf Administration or in houses close to Al Haram Al Sharif.

The Council of the Middle East Churches and Egyptian Coptic Church play a vital role in defending holy sites in Al Quds. The Egyptian Coptic Church, acting in cooperation with other international parties, has been involved in the restoration of churches and monasteries in Palestine. The polemic on the ownership of the Monastery of Sultan in Al Quds, is still raging on between Egyptian and Ethiopian Copts. Israel sides with the Ethiopians in their conflict with the Egyptian Church for purely political motives known to all, including the design to blot out all Arab and Egyptian presence from Al Quds. The second motive is the well-known political cooperation existing between Israel and Ethiopia embodied in the relocation of Falasha and Falasha Mura Jews from Ethiopia, and finally the support of the Ethiopian Church, after its breaking away from the Egyptian Orthodox Church, by Israel within the framework of the so-called rights of Jews in Palestine.

Third : Persistence of Zionist Violations of Arab Rights in Palestine

Despite all these resolutions and endeavours, Zionists pursued their policy of setting up of colonies in the area surrounding East Al Quds in the recent years of the great Intifada. These settlements were carried out during the nineties -which coincide with the period of the peace negotiations and agreements- with the purpose of isolating East Al Quds from the West Bank. Thus, 31 colonies were created in this area alone, divided up into three units: at the various exits of East Al Quds :  the first unit, called Etzion, is located south, blocks off the exit of city, and houses thirty thousand settlers. Close by is the Bitar Ellit colony wherein resides a radical Zionist group that had grown at a rate of 300% between 1990 and 2000. The two colonies have the freedom of expanding towards the areas of Bethlehem and Beit Gala that separates them from East Al Quds. The Tika colony north-east is expanding and seeks to merge with the Etzion unit, thus totally choking off the area located south of East Al Quds. These colonies are connected to each other and to West Al Quds through road networks that Palestinian residents living in the area are not allowed to use.

Other colonies were set up in the internal southern area bordering East Al Quds, such as Har Homa and Ghafat Hamatu, which will eventually seal off the south of East Jerusalem totally.

On the eastern front of the city, Israel is building the Adomim Unit. This area could have served as a suburb for the expansion of East Al Quds and as a housing complex for the Palestinians when Al Quds becomes the capital of the State of Palestine. But Israel had anticipated this. The Adomim unit comprises the colony of Higher Adomim, inhabited by twenty-nine thousand Israelis. Israel strives to annex to Higher Adomim more land belonging to the suburbs of East Jerusalem in a new project dubbed ET. This expansion, which will totally close off the eastern entrance to East Al Quds, was carried out with the blessings of the American Administration.

The Ghifon and Benyanine colonies, situated respectively west and north-west of East Al Quds will lead to the total encircling of the city by colonies.

If we add to all these colonies the building of the separation wall around East Al Quds, it will become practically impossible for Palestinian residents to work or move around. Israel is also setting up many ghettos in other places to separate farmers from the lands they own and turn their lives into hell, which is exactly what has happened in the Sourik village. Although the International Court of Justice and the United Nations considered the partition wall as illegal and called for its dismantling for many reasons which we cannot cite here, the Palestinian issue remains the most thorny issue since the end of World War II while many initiatives were taken to push for the implementation of international resolutions on Iraq and East Timor and other places. This is a case of the West’s double standards since no one had lifted a finger to implement the International Court of Justice’s ruling on the separation wall, its dismantling from the West Bank, the banning of its extension and of the building of a partition wall around East Al Quds.

Obstacles to Action

All national, regional and international institutions, including the United Nations and UNESCO, and particularly non-governmental institutions facing Zionist violations encounter many obstacles that hinder their discharging of the mission entrusted to them in the protection of Islamic and Christian civilisational heritage in Palestine. Some of these obstacles are:

a- Contrary to the financial, political and technical support that Jewish institutions benefited from in the 19th and 20th centuries as they busily searched, before and after 1948, for the vestiges of the ancient Hebrew heritage in Palestine, Western authorities, and most particularly the British Mandate authorities in Palestine prior to 1948, spared no effort in sabotaging all the endeavours of any party, be it local or international, to protect Islamic and Christian holy sites in Palestine. All we need to do is to look at the record of ‘Al Aqsa Institution for the Protection of Islamic Holy Sites’ to gain a better idea on this issue.

b- Technical and financial considerations also played a role in this regard. The scarcity of funds and the inadequacy of skills have prevented the fulfilment of any endeavour aimed at the preservation and restoration of monuments and Islamic and Christian holy sites in Palestine.

c- Certain political considerations have prevented all Islamic and Arab governments from playing an effective, or at least co-ordinated role in this regard. Among these factors we can cite the fear of landing in trouble with Israel and its allies which has prevented them from taking part in a unified official action that goes against the Israeli will, or at the least the fear of being accused of normalising relations with it, the result being that most Arab and Islamic countries have not established diplomatic relations with Israel. In fact, some countries with prestigious cultural and civilisational institutions such as Syria, Lebanon and Iran are still at war with Israel. Any governmental endeavour made at the bilateral or regional level for the protection of Islamic and Christian heritage in Palestine runs into this difficulty.

d- The inability of the Arab and Islamic media structure, for several political and financial reasons, to keep pace with the efforts exerted by the regional community and national parties in this regard, or at least to be officially active in the corridors and halls of the United Nations and UNESCO and other interested international organisations.

e- Inadequacy of governmental and non-governmental Islamic and Arab co-ordination vis-à-vis the responsibilities and requirements of this case.

For all these considerations and others, the Arab, Islamic and international efforts are far from matching the responsibility entrusted to these parties, namely that of protecting Islamic and Christian heritage in Al Quds and Palestine, and they lag far behind those of Israel. This brings us to the question of how to by-pass this situation.

Fourth : Governmental and non-Governmental Roles Required

Our Islamic faith, glorious past and the Covenant of Omar all decry our submission to the might of the invader and Zionist occupation and our renouncing the land of our ancestors to the occupiers, with the assent of some of us. The least we can do at present is to sustain the will to resist and ensure that we maintain the psychological barriers between ourselves and the enemy, and work hard at the national, regional and international levels to keep our cause  as live as it is now, a just cause.

One of the designs that Israeli Zionism seeks to fulfil is to remove Al Quds from the spotlight and to marginalise it. This would facilitate its usurpation and the obliteration of its features to the benefit of false Zionist beliefs. Because Al Quds’s great significance to Muslims and Arabs, they have to grant it a top priority status in the fight against Zionist invaders and in sensitising the world about its justice.

There are many practical proposals which, if implemented, would greatly contribute to the preservation of Islamic and Christian Holy Sites in Al Quds. The most salient of these proposals are :

- Setting up a national committee for the defence of Al Quds in all the countries where such a committee does not already exist and revitalising the role of these committees where they do exist. It is also recommended that all political parties, institutions and labour unions observe an embargo on all American and Zionist products, that the Arab Union of Workers be urged to refrain from using American and Zionist transport means, and that the populations of the Arab and Islamic world be encouraged to observe this embargo.

- Consolidate the role of the media in serving the cause of Al Quds, setting up a permanent media committee that would operate within the Arab League and be in charge of liasing with media institutions, thinkers and leaders for the purpose of channelling their efforts towards serving the Ummah’s causes through a media discourse committed to the constants of the nation. In this discourse, all terms, concepts and words would be screened in such a way as to truly reflect the Ummah’s clinging to its rights and interests, and all the expressions and terms that have found their way into the language of some media personalities as a result of Zionist penetration policies would be removed. It has also been suggested that the Arab League and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference set up an efficient media committee and provide the necessary human, financial and technical resources for this committee to serve the interests of the Ummah. Similarly, Arab investors must be encouraged to invest in this vital sector and support the positive orientations of some satellite channels that have been instrumental in uncovering the aggressive practices of the Zionist enemy and turning the spotlight on Al Aqsa Intifada through an outstanding approach that would contribute to enhancing awareness within the Arab and Islamic spheres. Furthermore, it is recommended that the management of media organs be urged to rationalise their media policies to be in harmony with the values and interests of the Arab and Islamic Ummah, and that governmental and non-governmental media organs be asked to maintain an appropriate discourse when addressing Arab and Muslim minorities in the West, one that would further consolidate their solidarity with the cause of the Ummah, and give importance when addressing Western public opinion to exposing Zionist crimes against the Palestinian people.

- This committee would be a first step towards establishing a sound and unified media structure. One cannot help but notice the obvious inadequacy of the media in covering the Palestinian issue in many forums. Barring a few isolated and disorganised attempts, the Arab and Islamic public and governmental entities have neglected the media as a tool in either impacting on the belligerent parties and their supporters, or addressing public opinion and trying to influence it in favour the positive side, or at least guarantee its neutrality.

On the other side of the fence, the Zionist enemy spares no effort in its relentless attempts to advertise its case through state-of-the-art cartographic publications in whose production sophisticated and advanced artistic and information technology is used in the drive to obliterate the features of the cause as a whole, and the cause of Al Quds in particular.  The famous Atlas of Israel, produced directly after the 1967 war, is a revealing milestone in this regard. The Atlas shows the borders of Israel as inclusive of the entire Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank, the Golans and the Gaza Strip, in addition to a unified Al Quds. Many maps were made after this Atlas and documented the occupation status, and were followed by a series of top quality tourist maps that depict Al Quds as the Greater Jerusalem which comprises East Al Quds, vast stretches of the West Bank, and the colonies surrounding them.

This is where the Arab professional unions can come into play to adopt an information policy aimed at ensuring sufficient mobilisation at the Arab and Islamic levels in facing Israeli arbitrary policies in Palestine, particularly towards the religious and civilisational heritage there. This media policy is based on a number of activities such as :

a- Publishing diverse books and periodicals, as well as other publications aimed at drawing attention to the crimes perpetrated against Palestine.

b- Organising a number of activities and events such as exhibitions, symposia and conferences on this issue and encouraging sufficient public attendance at these events.

c- Adopting a media approach within the committed press in Egypt and elsewhere on this issue to acquaint the average citizen, Muslim or Christian, regardless of his political inclination, with the violations committed against his holy sites by the Zionist Jews in Palestine.

Some of the proposed tasks of this media structure would be to :

- Provide international and Arab conferences with accurate data in terms of religion, history; culture and law, and with the specialised and well-documented studies on the established Arab rights in Al Quds.

- Create an archive library, fitted with state-of-the-art equipment and technical audio and visual material, and containing all of the historical and archaeological documents that prove Arab identity of Al Quds, and place this library at the disposal of modern media organs by allowing them access to it.

- Compile a media encyclopaedia on Al Quds in Arabic and in other languages.

- Publish a scientific journal about Al Quds to which would contribute Arab researchers, distribute it widely, then translate it and distribute it to Western universities.

- Create internet websites dedicated to issues related to Al Quds. These sites would have the following objectives :

a- Highlighting the significance of Al Quds and reclaiming its position in people’s minds and hearts.

b- Exposing the modern Zionist invasion of Al Quds and its position in Zionist thought.

c- Providing scientific and media literature to keep the cause of Al Quds present in education and the media.

d- Widening the scope of sensitisation and shedding light on the destruction and demolition of Islamic and Christian holy sites in Al Quds.

e- Setting up an Arab and Islamic network the main task of which is to establish true partnerships with institutions, associations and role-players in Al Quds society.

f- Striving to secure political, moral, economic and legal support for this network.

g- Forging solid ties with cultural, intellectual and heritage centres and their eminent figures.

Liaising with governmental and non-governmental institutions that are active in publicizing the cause of Al Quds.

One objective of this co-ordination is the conclusion of an international agreement declaring as a punishable crime the desecration of holy and religious sites, the latter being part of the humanity's heritage. Another objective is to invite all Arab and international human rights organisations to join efforts in requesting international organisations to conclude similar agreements and persevere in their efforts until implementation.

- Working towards the co-ordination of Islamic and Arab efforts in urging such international institutions as UNESCO to put an end to Zionist violations that run counter to all international resolutions, and requesting that sanctions be imposed on Zionist authorities for their non-compliance with the provisions of international agreements.

- Revitalising Arab-Islamic solidarity which is badly needed for the preservation of the Arab and Islamic identity of Al Quds and the thwarting of all conspiracies to demolish Islamic and Christian holy sites. Such efforts would involve the following :

a- Reinstating solidarity within the Arab League and developing the latter’s Charter in such a way as to lend more binding power to its resolutions.

b- Reinforcing regional cooperation between Arab and Islamic states, ultimately providing a regional regime that would serve as an alternative for the American-Zionist Middle East projects.

Conclusion

Despite inadequacies in the implementation of international resolutions, there are a number of governmental and non-governmental endeavours initiated by international organisations and civil society institutions in defending Al Quds which today needs more of these endeavours. 

However, we need to acknowledge that the problem of Al Quds will not be solved by conferences. These gatherings may help in this regard but what we really need is a mechanism that can cater to all the needs of Al Quds and can bore through the armour of Zionist siege of Al Quds. We have the resources and we have identified the fields of action, but we need more co-ordination, further closing of ranks and more commitment to action.

The most important element that we need to focus on in the coming phase of the endeavour to rescue the Islamic and Christian holy sites in Al Quds is solidarity and achieving real unity in financial resources, procedures and preparations for confronting the Israeli challenge in its concept, but above all in relation to our civilisational heritage as Arabs and Muslims. Only this unity can guarantee the revitalisation of all the efforts exerted in this regard and bring about the political and technical thrust necessary for their success. It will also confer on the Arabs and Muslims the necessary respect for them and their media discourse at the international level. Thus we can guarantee some movement at the international level. Even if this movement is not totally in our favour, it will at least be neutral and honest enough to guarantee the Arab, Christian and Muslim rights in Palestine.

Our battle with the Zionist enemy is a long one.  It started more than one hundred years ago and may continue for a few decades more. The law of change in the universe, the dynamics of interactions between nations, and the principle of victory all require that we keep faith in Allah first, and remain steadfast in our conviction of our right to liberate our homeland and holy sites, and strive in this enterprise with our words, solidarity and jihad in all its forms, until such a day as Allah shall decree our victory : “Allah will certainly aid those who aid his (cause) ; for verily Allah is full of Strength, Exalted in Might, (able to enforce His Will)”and “And Allah hath full power and control over His affairs ; but most among mankind know it not”.

(*) The Secretary general of “I’tilaf Al Khair” Association.