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Arabic Language in Sub-Saharan Africa: Past, Present and Future
Dr. Abdelali El Ouadghiri(*)
It is a well-known fact that the introduction of the Arabic language in the various parts of the Islamic world, including West and sub-Saharan Africa, accompanied the emergence and spread of Islam in these lands.
While Islam reached some parts of sub-Saharan Africa very early in its history, - in fact, as early as the first century of the hegira (seventh century a.d.)(1), the spread of the Arabic language started around the same period. Already in the fifth century of the hegira, Abu Ubaid spoke of the Kingdom of Ghana - the oldest of all dynasties in West Africa(2) - saying: “The treasurer, interpreters and most of the ministers employed by the Sultan, as well as those who held the account books of the treasury, were Muslims because they were the only learned people who could read and write. Arabic, of course, was the language they used in their writings and readings(3). Al Bakri also reports that in this Kingdom existed two towns, one of which was inhabited by Muslims and described as a large town with twelve mosques of which one served for the congregational Friday prayers. The first one possessed imams, muezzins, juris-consults and learned men. The second town was pagan and served as the King's residence. It also had one mosque where visiting Muslims prayed in the vicinity of the Royal council"(4).
Then the Almoravids subjugated the Kingdom of Ghana in the fifth century hegira (eleventh century a.d.), and they placed at its head a ruler from amongst themselves, thus making it a Muslim kingdom that fell under their direct rule. Around the same period (fifth century a.h.), Islam penetrated the Kingdom of Kanem, situated in modern Chad, turning it too into a Muslim kingdom. On the relics of the Kingdom of Ghana, the Kingdom of Mali, well-known for its scientific capital of Timbuktu, emerged with its many scholars, mosques, schools and its university of Sonkare. When Ibn Battouta visited this kingdom in the eighth century hegira, he learnt that the determination of its people to learn the Holy Quran had reached such an extent that they "put their children in chains if these showed signs of unwillingness to learn the Quran, and only released them once they completed its learning". Other Muslim kingdoms succeeded each other in the region, such as the Songhay Kingdom which ruled over the Mali and Niger area, the Ottoman Foudi caliphate in Nigeria, the Massina dynasty in Mali, the Fouti Kingdom in Senegal, and many others.
All these Islamic African states, kingdoms and dynasties made Arabic their cultural, educational, religious and administrative language as well as the linguistic medium of their commercial transactions and official correspondence, and served well the cause of spreading its learning and extending its use. Under their rule and with their encouragement, great men of sciences, poets, literary figures and historians achieved excellence and enriched the Islamic heritage and library with valuable works of which only very few have come to be known.
While the Islamic kingdoms that reigned over sub-Saharan Africa played an important and vital role in spreading the Islamic culture and Arabic language, building mosques and opening schools and learning centers in extensive numbers, encouraging scholars, bestowing bountiful favors over them and granting them the high status they deserved, there are also other factors that played an equally important role in this expansion: the part played by the preachers of Islam who spread across the West African region, the role of trading caravans and the traders themselves, the Sufi tariqas (schools) and their disciples, and the traveling of many scholars, who either emigrated or were solicited into African lands where they had ample opportunity to teach the religion, emend beliefs and raise the level of Arabic learning. Famous among these was the Imam Muhammed Bin Abdulkarim Al Maghili Telemsani (died in 909 a.h.) whose role, worthy deeds and praises are still sung by modern historians of Africa. Another factor lay in the trips undertaken by African pilgrims to the holy lands of Hejaz, passing by many Arab countries where they acquired knowledge and books, established relationships with scholars and from where preachers and teachers joined their groups. A no less important factor was the migration of some Arab tribes over several stages in history and their settling in sub-Saharan areas where they still live today.
With the spreading of Islam in this region, which has in modern times developed into several states carrying different names, Arabic became the language of writing and reading and the language of communication among these states in various fields. And such was the case until the advent of colonialism. Writing about the Islamic Kingdom of Ghana, Dr. Ibrahim Tarkhan says: "Arabic was the only language of worship and culture in the country, in addition to its being the trading language used in commercial exchanges and transactions. This language held in Ghana, as well as in western and central Sudan, the position that was held by Latin in Europe in the Middle Ages, if not more, for while Arabic remained the language of religion and culture even during the era of colonial occupation, Latin gradually disappeared with the advent of national Germanic languages in the Europe of the Middle Ages. Explorers and colonialists even noted early in modern times that the knowledge West Africans keep of the Arabic language exceeded by far Europe's grasp of Latin in the Middle Ages"(5)
In the same vein, the British traveller Francis Moore, who visited the Fulani communities living on the banks of the Gambia River in 1731 a.d., described them as resembling Arabs, with most of them speaking Arabic because they learned it at school.(6) Thomas Arnold also wrote that Arabic had become the speaking language of the tribes of half the African continent"(7).
Speaking about Arabic under the Ottoman reign, established by Sheik Othman Bin Foudi in the thirteenth century hegira (9th century a.d.), a scholar from Nigeria writes: "Arabic was the only language in which were drawn up all the reports of the Empire in the nineteenth century. Even after British colonialism, all the judgements in Sharia courts were recorded until recently in Arabic in many Islamic principalities, then it was substituted for the national language, namely Hausa. Nonetheless, correspondence between princes continues to date (in 1967) to be carried out in Arabic." Then he says: "Despite colonial pressures, the courts in the wilaya of Kanu used Arabic exclusively until 1960 a.d."(8)
If we look at the treasure of books on Islamic and Arab heritage that fill private and public libraries in Africa, we will be amazed at the numbers of scholars, authors, poets, historians and literary men who lived in the region and who had no language for culture and knowledge but Arabic. Among these well-known African resources are books such as Tarikh Essaadi, Tarikh al Fattach by Mahmoud Kaat, Tazkarat al Nissyan, Infaqu Al Maisour by Balu, Nailu Al Ibtihaj by Al Tambukti, Fathu Al Shukur Fi Ulamai Tekrur by Al Bretli, Jawaher Al Hissan fi Akhbar Al Sudan(9), Dhabtu al Multaqatat by Junaid the Vizier... and many other works that were never printed or published, and that prove indisputably that the Arabic language had experienced in the region a degree of expansion and prosperity that can only be denied by the ignorant or empty-headed. In these known sources and in the hundreds of others to which we made no reference, we find long lists of the names of scholars, poets and literary men whose genius and mastery of Arabic was no lesser than that of their counterparts in the other parts of the Islamic world. It is only the unfortunate lot of this part of Africa that made its Arabic and Islamic heritage the victim of neglect and lack of endeavors to popularize it and grant it the high status it deserves. To realize the numbers of scholars who filled the towns and rural localities of this area, it is enough to say that:
- In Tarikh Al Sudan, Essaadi reports that when Kanbar, the King of Jeni (6th century a.d), decided to proclaim his conversion to Islam, he invited four thousand and two hundred scholars to witness his conversion. This happened at a time when Islam had not yet firmly and fully spread in Mali.
- Historical sources that recorded the movement of Sheik Othmane Bin Foudi, report that Pawa, the Sultan of Guber - a small sultanate in Nigeria - invited all the scholars in his province to a debate with the Sheik, and their numbers exceeded one thousand.(10) Though these numbers may have been exaggerated, they do nonetheless reflect the "large numbers of men of knowledge and science in these lands and prove that very little of their work has reached us", as says Dr Ali Abu Bakr(11).
Among the great scholars who acquired fame through the proliferation of their works was Sheik Ahmed Paba Al Tambukti whose biographers described as having written more than forty books(12). Another researcher enumerated one hundred and fifteen books written by Sheik Othmane Bin Foudi. His brother, Abdullah Bin Foudi, known otherwise as the "Master", wrote more than two hundred books, while Sultan Mohamed Balu authored about a hundred books.
In addition to the large numbers of scholars and scientists who made the fame of this region, many poems and poetry compilations were written on various themes, particularly jihad and conquest, daawa and praise of the prophet, while moralistic poetry and Sufi poetry further enhanced this fame. Metered and rhymed prose was made famous by many scholars of whom the following four came to be known for composing mutawwalat (extremely lengthy poems) on various sciences, thus testifying to the highest levels of mastery of the Arabic language that was common among the intellectuals of the western and central Sudan. The most prominent of all was Abdullah Bin Foudi, a language scholar and man of letters who was described as the “Arab of Sudan”. This man had a great ability to compose metrically scientific works, with an amazing endurance and perseverance. Here are some examples of the works composed by this Sheikh :
- Miftah Attafsir, a didactic poem consisting of more than 700 verses, where he composed the Quranic sciences that he quoted from Assayuti’s two books: Alitqan and Anniqaya.
- Al Faraid Al Jalila, a 500-verse didactic poem in the field of Quranic sciences.
- Allu‘lu‘ Al Masun, a 100-verse didactic poem in the fiqh studies.
- Al Bahr Al Muhit, a 4,400-verse didactic poem where he composed Jamae Al Jawamie, and Hamae Al Hamie on the language sciences by Assayuti.
-Al Hisn Arrasin (printed), a 1000-verse morphology composition.
- Fath Allatif, a 230-verse didactic poem on prosody and rhyme (printed).
- Siraju Al Jamie, a metered version of Al Bukhari’s Sahih
In addition to the poems that he gathered in his famous compilation Tazyinu al Waraqat.
Among the most renowned composers in Nigeria was Omar Al Wali, from Zaria. Some of his compositions included:
Maadinu al Addiniyya, an extremely long urjuza (poem on the Rajaz rhyme).
Miftahu al Mughlaq fi Ilmi Al Mantiq, comprising more than 100 verses.
Al Matlabu al Nafis, a composition of more than 500 verses on morals.
Mublighu al Amani Fi Bayani Umuri Al Awliaa and Ahmed Tijani, composed of about 500 verses.
A 200-verse long composition on the science of grammar.
A 500-verse long on the special favours bestowed by Allah on man to the exclusion of all other creatures.
Other composers of lengthy poems included Sheikh Abdul Fulani Al Kashnawi who wrote a 1000-line long poem on morals that he called Attiyatu al Muuti.
Among the more recent composers was the vizier Junaid Bin Mohammed Al Bukhari, who wrote many long rhymed pieces on the history of the Western Sudan. Of these publications were :
Muthaf al Ikhwan bima jaa fi kitabi Al Kashfi Wal Bayane.
Rawaeh Al Azhar min Rawdhi Al Jinane.
In addition to a compilation of lengthy poems.
While the capacity to compose long pieces in various fields of Islamic sciences is an indicator of a great mastery of the Arabic language, there are other phenomena that serve to confirm this thesis. One of these was the predilection of some African poets for the composition of verses that contained the most unusual and uncommon words. One of the famous poems reflecting this trend is the jimiyya (metered poem with the Arabic letter ‘jim’ as its rhyme) of Sheikh Abdullah Ben Foudi, and in which he was strongly influenced by the dalia (poem rhyming in Arabic letter ‘dal’) of seventeen-century Moroccan Scholar Al Hassan Alyoussi, and in which he says :
Seek the lovers valley of Maj
And drink from the spring
Water shed by the feathery white clouds
Shed tears on the ruins of their abodes
And heal the heart of intruding worries(13)
The poem was composed in 64 lines and is replete with the most unusual and obscure words.
Another poem composed by someone with a predilection for the unusual was written by Sheikh Abu Bakr Poubi who says in this poem(14) :
Another one is the long baiyya (poem rhyming in Arabic letter ‘b’)of Sheikh Mohamed Bin Ibrahim Al Khalidi in the opening of which he says :
Observe celibacy
If adultery you shun
For in celibacy is the
Remedy for sorrow(15)
And also the baiyya of the vizier Abdulqader Misht (died in 1933) where he says :
The night has darkened
Till the lion and the fox went a-hunting
And the man-eater was tempted
By a lamb and by a rabbit
In a shaded vast plain they were felled
By the bantering and subjugation of the mighty one
And in their ears the night was heralded
by the piercing cry of the scorpion(16)
It is well known that African Arabic poetry was greatly influenced by ancient Arabic poetry, in particular by the Mu’allaqat (Hanged Poems) with their frequent use of unusual words and imagery and their mournful openings, as a result of the intense presence of old poetry in the curricula of Islamic education in the region. Simulating ancient poetry presupposed the mastering of an immense linguistic wealth and the learning by heart of many old odes and texts.
However, imitation did not stop at ancient poetry, and exceeded it to the imitation of postclassical poets (muwalladun) as is the case, for example, in this poem of Ibn Ishaq Al Turudi:
Oh you who seek
He who appreciates
And withholds not
Here is my poem
And the finest of my words
Convey my greeting
To he who transmits
Tell my night companion
To inform my prince
of what lies in my heart
And let him not be ambiguous(17)
This poem was written in the style called the musammat
These poets even aspired to creating novel meters other than the known sixteen ones. Such an endeavour is reflected in the example quoted by the late Adam Al Illawri, a contemporary Nigerian scholar, in his book Misbahu Dirasat Al Adabiyya fi Diyyari Nigeria, and composed by Ruqayya, grandmother of Sheikh Othman Bin Foudi:
The generous one accepts
He who comes in repentance
Shall fear no harm
Whoever seeks Him in hope
The meter in this poem follows the pattern of (failun mafuulun) for every half of the verse, a combination that is foreign(18) to the known meters of Arabic poetry.
African Arabic poetry is a vast field that we cannot address properly here. It was only mentioned as proof of the high degree at which African scholars mastered the Arabic language and excelled in its presentations.
As for their prowess in prose, suffice it to refer to their plentiful works, most of which are still dormant on the shelves of libraries and of collections of manuscripts of which very few see the light. We will limit our examples to four well known and perused specimens of prose:
First: The letter addressed by Sultan Othman Bin Idriss, king of Bornu to Sultan Ad-Dhaher Barqouq in Egypt. The letter was quoted by Al Qalqashandi in Subhu Al A’chaa, where he placed its date at 794 a.h.
Second: The letters of Sheikh Muhammad Al Kanemi to Sheikh Othmane Bin Foudi. These numerous letters(19) reached such a greatness of expression and indicated a great mastery of the Arabic language and its styles.
Third: The letters of Abdullah Bin Foudi and Sultan Mohamed Blou, and of which samples feature in Infaq al Maisur;
Fourth: The letter, written by a scholar in Tekrur, and addressed to Assiouti seeking his fatwa on matters related to the customs of the Sudanese people and which were in contradiction with the teachings of the Sharia.(20)
Such models and others are ample proof of the high status and refinement that the Arabic language reached thanks to African authors and scholars.
Thus, with the passage of time, and thanks to the spread of Quranic schools, the proliferation of scholars, authors and poets, and the use of Arabic in all fields of the cultural, administrative, economic and religious life, this language became, par excellence, Africa’s first language, since its spread was not limited to west and central Africa, but reached its eastern and northern reaches as well. In other words, it became the lingua franca of the peoples of a continent when this continent had no language for religion, culture, education, governance, etc. It served not only as a communication channel among Muslim communities, but brought together all Africans, even if only in the social, political and trading fields.
It is a well known fact that African languages are too numerous and are estimated by some researchers at some 600 to 1000 languages(21). The language of the Quran which unites all Muslims thus became the only means of communication among the peoples and tribes who spoke these languages, particularly the Muslims among them. Furthermore, all these languages were oral and had no written patrimony, while the written ones, numbering around thirty(22), all used the Arabic script in their transcription(23).
Thus, the Quranic script became another channel of communication between the speakers of these written languages. Such was the case until very recently, that is with the arrival of colonial forces in the various parts of the continent, after which the Arabic script was fought as ferociously as were the teachings of the Quran and the Arabic language itself. The Latin alphabet was forcefully imposed as a replacement for the Quranic script and after long centuries, Latin replaced the Arabic script in the writing of native African languages. But prior to this, the coloniser had to deal with the then-existing reality and resorted to writing local languages in the Arabic script in order to communicate with the inhabitants of these lands. In his book Islam†and the Tribes of the Niger Colony, Paul Marty says, “Since native languages (in Niger) are not written, we were for a long time faced with a difficult problem. A solution was, however, found through the creation of a group of scribes, or rather persons who wrote Hausa or Zarrama in the Arabic alphabet. Whenever the (French) commander of the post wished to write to a local chief, the task of the scribe was to translate the letter into the native language and transcribe it in Arabic. Once the letter reached the chief, he would read it aloud....”(24).
This strong presence of the Arabic script in Africa and the enduring attachment of its peoples to it is what convinced several organizations over the last decades to use this script in their campaigns and literacy programs, including the Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization -ISESCO-, which signed an agreement with the Islamic Development Bank to finance a programme for the eradication of illiteracy in Africa using the Arabic script. This programme also benefited from the co-operation of the World Islamic Call Society and the Institute for Arabization Studies and Research in Morocco.
The influence of Arabic on African languages was not limited to the writing and use of the Quranic script, but went much further than this. These languages, the most prominent ones in particular, such as Swahili, Fulani and Hausa, borrowed much from the Arabic diction, particularly religious, civilizational and economic terms. Dr Ali Abu Bakr says in this regard: “Though neither Hausa nor Fulani have something in common with Arabic in their etymology, at least the fifth of both languages has been borrowed from Arabic, and a fifth is a substantial portion. I know of no other language, outside the spectrum of Semitic languages, that borrowed more than this share other than perhaps Persian. I do not think that Swahili, a language widely spread in East Africa could have borrowed from Arabic more than these two languages, which are considered to be the most widespread languages in West Africa and which extend from Mauritania in the West to Central Africa in the East. Dr. Abu Bakr established a glossary of one thousand and five hundred Hausa words borrowed from the Arabic language.(25)
The Arabic influence on African language went even deeper with the three main languages of Africa, Swahili, Hausa and Fulani, borrowing from Arabic its poetry meters as well as its styles in rhyme. Thus, their poems run on meters such as the taweel, the kamel, the wafer, the baseet, the mutaqareb, the rajaz and so on. Poems also came in final letter rhymes that echoed those in Arabic with these poems described as baiyya (ending in b), raiyya (ending in r), nouniyya (ending in n), etc...(26), in a process perfectly similar to what happened with Persian.
Let us now turn this glorious page of the history of the Arabic language in this region. Comes then the era of colonialism which we admit was the inevitable result of the state of weakness, backwardness and stagnation that prevailed among Muslim peoples, particularly in the region under study. There is little doubt that the Arabic and Islamic education at the end of the nineteenth century had gone through a phase of regression as a result of the general conditions that prevailed among African Muslims who were in politically, economically, socially and culturally dire straits. Yet, it had not yet completely lapsed. In fact, the statistics available, though very scarce, proved beyond doubt that African Muslims remained attached to the language of the Quran and religious education to the last moment. Once they realized the dangers posed by such invaders as missionaries and colonisers, to their religion, faith and Quranic language, they even became more staunch in their attachment to this language, and to the schools that dispensed a Quranic education and taught the basics of the Islamic faith. They fought colonialism and the missionary campaigns with all their might and refused to enroll their children in the coloniser’s schools. Some of them are still attached to these principles though they have paid a dear price for this, been fought, marginalised, besieged from all sides and kept aside in all vital fields.
Closely aided by the Christian church, the colonisers mercilessly fought the language of the Quran and Islamic education. This war took on several forms, such as:
Imposing a siege on Quranic and religious schools, inhibiting their spread and reducing their numbers while imposing tight restrictions on them.
Banning the use of Arabic in all administrative, political, juridical, legislative and cultural fields, and replacing it with French.
Abolishing the Arabic script previously used in transcribing native languages and replacing it with the Latin alphabet.
Spreading libellous information about Arabic and organising derogatory campaigns against it to distort its image and repulse Africans from it. This consisted, inter alia, in accusing Arabic of being a sterile and backward language that could not keep pace with progress and was of little use in helping these peoples to achieve modernity and become civilised.
Devising diabolic schemes to frenchify education, administration and public life, allocating huge budgets for the opening of public, community and specialised schools under various forms(27), and spending fortunes on these schools.
Giving free rein to missionary organisations to open schools in all parts of Africa and providing them with the financial support, encouragement and protection needed to compete with Islamic schools and to raise new generations of Africans to a religion other than that of their parents and culture.
In the same vein, and starting the second half of the nineteenth century, the officials in charge of implementing France’s linguistic policy in West Africa issued a number of recommendations and addressed reports to their superiors indicating what steps should be taken towards the implementation of these policies. Many other reports and circulars were issued by the representatives of the French government in the region recommending and ordering the implementation of measures likely to guarantee the success of their schemes. As a few examples among many are the following recommendations:
In 1856, France’s governor for Senegal, Mr. Faidherbe wrote to the Minister of French Colonies a report in which he said: “The desire shown by Negroes to learn Arabic is a real disaster for us and we should exercise utmost caution. We should in no way encourage this desire. French is the language that we should teach them, in our own interests”(28).
In May 1856, Mr. Barbier, the high commissioner of missionary expeditions, wrote to the administrator of French colonies a report where he said: “We should strictly censor the teachers of the Arabic language in Senegal, irrespective of their category and religious affiliation”.(29)
In June 1857, the French administration in Senegal issued a law which stipulated, inter alia, that:
• All Quranic school teachers should send their students who have reached eleven years of age and more to catholic mission schools for two hours a day to attend French classes.
• All teachers in Quranic schools should obtain special dispensation when they wish to open a new school.
• In 1886, another decision was issued, known as the Multivers Decision, calling for the closing of Arabic schools in Senegal for the first hours during which French schools are open, in order not to compete with them.(30)
• On May 8, 1911, William Ponté, France’s governor for West Africa wrote his famous circular in which he said: “Arabic only penetrated in Africa with the call to Islam, it is the sacred language in the eyes of the black man”. He concludes by instructing his subordinates, the residing representatives in West Africa saying: “I am therefore forced to give the order that, as of now, all judgements made by the local courts must be drafted in French only. The copies of the judgements handed over to the concerned parties must also be written in our language. You are summoned to give the same instructions when drafting administrative documents, whatever may be their nature- that have to be brought to the attention of the natives, whether they are letters or posters. For the same purpose, your are invited to instruct the district administrators to inform the locals that for their requests and complaints drafted in a language other than French they shall receive no response.”(31)
• In 1912, Robert Arnault, Head of the Islamic Affairs Division of Dakar wrote a report in which he said: “France’s policy must be firm in West Africa, and an end should be put to the activities of Quranic school teachers and of the Murabitun (religious scholars) in the country”(32).
• On September 26, 1922, the Bonnecarričre Circular was published where the French Representative in Togo called for the frenchifying of the country(33).
Naturally, similar recommendations, decisions and circulars were issued in large numbers in the countries of North Africa.(34)
However, and in spite of this spiteful and hostile campaign waged against the Quran and the Islamic religion, the colonisers noted that it took a very long time before the efforts they exerted, either by hounding Arabic and Islamic schools, restricting their resources and repressing them, or through the systematic opening of French or missionary schools, gave any encouraging results. In fact, their hostile policy vis-ŕ-vis the Arabic language only served to make the Muslims of Africa, as I mentioned earlier, more attached to this language and the related religion and culture, despite their weakness and helplessness. Paul Marty, a renowned figure of France who was instrumental in the implementation of its linguistic policy in West Africa, bitterly says: “The rate of students who attend our schools is derisive. It is unfortunate that only a handful of pupils attend our many schools in the countryside, while Quranic schools attract hundreds of students...”, concluding: “Measures must be taken in an indirect way, because any government intervention may unleash dire consequences”(35).
Paul Marty wrote this in 1913, nearly a full century after the opening of the first French school in Senegal (in 1817).(36)
According to some statistics, the situation of Arabic and Islamic education, represented in Quranic school, in sub-Saharan Africa, stood as follows:
• In 1912 there were about 1,700 schools in Senegal, with an equal number of teachers and 11,451 students.(37)
• In Guinea, the number of students in these schools wavered between 25,000 and 28,000 by 1907(38).
• In 1914, the number of Quranic schools in Niger amounted to some 932, catering to about 4,213 students. In 1920, the number of schools was 970 while that of students was 4321(39).
• In 1909, the number of Quranic schools in Dahomey (Benin) was around 134 with 155 teachers and 1,558 students(40).
• In 1907, the number of these schools in Cote d'Ivoire was nearly 1544 and the number of students attending them was 2,397(41).
This was the situation in countries falling under French control. In Nigeria, which was a British colony, the number of these schools in the northern region only varied between 20,000 and 25,000, and the number of students attending them at 250,000, in addition to the scientific institutes that Dr. Ali Abu Bakr estimated at 300(42).
We can only take these statistics with some caution, being all issued by the colonial authority which most often endeavoured to minimise the importance of the presence of the Arabic language and its spread in the region, and subsequently minimise the importance of Arabic and Islamic education. Yet, they do provide an approximate idea, albeit minimal, on the situation of this education that the colonisers themselves resigned themselves to acknowledge and constantly complained about the threat it represented to their language. Even in its minimal form, this approximation can only be an indicator of the fact that West Africa, even in its moment of collapse as it fell prey to the invaders, was still closely attached to the language of the Quran, ran thousands of schools and sent dozens of thousands of its children to learn the Quran and the basics of religion.
As we turn the page of direct colonial presence in West Africa and the sub-Saharan region, the era of independence starts early in the sixties, carrying glad tidings for the future of the Arabic language and Islamic education. No sooner had the nightmare of colonialism disappeared than Muslims everywhere in this region hastened to vie with each other in re-opening Quranic and Islamic schools and sending groups of their young to train in Arab countries. The Africa whose Islamic past and Arab culture was meant to disappear seemed keener to regain its true identity. If we observe the reality of Arabic and Islamic education in the region, we will find that in spite of its numerous problems, which we will tackle later, it is in fact slowly healing, growing and thriving in firm steps that herald a better future. Though we have few accurate statistics on the current situation of Arabic education in the many countries of the region, the reality that we observe every day bears witness to the progress, prosperity and development of this education, though at a somewhat slow pace.
If we take the example of Niger -a country that cannot be considered an advanced model of Arabic and Islamic education in the region compared to the progress achieved in Chad, Mali and Senegal- we will discover from the statistics collected by a local expert in 2001 that the number of formal schools (public and community) has reached 310 of which 23 are elementary and 6 are secondary schools, and that the number of pupils in primary schools alone had leaped between 1995 and 2001 from 22,940 to 48,855. The total number of students (all levels included) reached 55,165 in 2001(43), not to mention the Quranic schools of which the numbers are estimated today at 50,000(44), and also the university students who receive their Arabic education at the Islamic University of Niger and in Arab universities in other countries.
One of the factors that have bolstered Arabic education in Niger during the past few years is the existence of the OIC affiliated Islamic University of Niger. Since its creation in 1986, it has been playing an important role in training qualified educational cadres to teach Arabic and Islamic sciences at the various levels of education, and particularly at the secondary stage. In addition to this, tremendous efforts are being exerted by a number of countries, organisations and Islamic charity associations such as the ISESCO, the World Islamic Call Society, the Commission of the Muslims of Africa, the League of the Islamic World, the World Islamic Charity Institution, and the Islamic Call Organisation, in addition to the personal endeavours of individuals and NGOs. Since 2000, the Islamic Bank for Development has been financing a special programme in support of Arabic-French education with a loan of 1.4 billion dollars, for the purpose of training human resources in the educational field, increasing their numbers, building classrooms, providing curricula, educational programmes, working tools and the necessary equipment, and generally improving the conditions of Arabic teaching.
We can sum up the general features of the development and progress that Arabic teaching is experiencing in sub-Saharan Africa and that herald a bright future for the Arabic language in the following points:
• The official introduction of the Arabic language in the curricula of formal education, at all its stages, in several countries of the region right after independence. This was the case in Chad, Guinea, Senegal, Mali, Niger and Nigeria.
• The increase in the number of private community schools run by individuals and Islamic associations(45), and some Arabic and Islamic educational missions.
• A sustained and notable increase in the number of Quranic schools and their spread in all parts of the continent.
• The introduction of Arabic education in universities in many countries of the region. Chad, for example, now has an Arabic department at the National University of N'djamena, in addition to the King Faical University which opened in 1991, and a few years-old branch of the Libyan Faculty of Islamic Daawa. In addition to the University of Dakar which has an Arabic language department, Senegal also houses the High Islamic Institute in Louga and which was built by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1987, became in 1990 affiliated to the Islamic University in Al Madinah Al Mounawwara, before being transferred, at a later stage, to the Saudi Ministry of Waqfs for its supervision(46). Then, a branch of the Libyan Faculty of Islamic Daawa has recently been added in Dakar.
In Guinea, an Arabic language department was opened in the University of Conakry, and in Mali a similar department was opened at the Bamako University. A High Institute for the Arabic language and Islamic Studies was opened by the World Islamic Call Society in Benin, and Islamic faculties are scheduled to open in Burkina Faso and Gambia.
In Nigeria, a country that boasts a large number of universities in the various provinces, many of these universities, particularly in the North, teach Arabic and Islamic studies and run post-graduate programmes for Masters and PhD degrees exclusively in the Arabic language. Of such universities are Sokoto, Kano, Zaria, Ibadan, Illawe, Maiduguri, Kaduna and many others. Financed by the Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, a large Islamic university (Manarat Al Gaddafi) is under construction in Kanu.
Mention should also be made of the role of the Islamic University of Niger which receives Arabic language and Islamic studies students from about twenty African countries. Today, this University has three faculties for the Arabic language and Islamic studies, of which an all-girls one which opened its doors in Niamey in 2001, in addition to a high education institute for the training of teachers of Arabic and of Islamic culture, and an African centre for the revival of Islamic heritage.
No less important are the universities and higher studies centres operating in other parts of the African continent such as East Africa, and which grant equal importance to the Arabic language and Islamic culture(47).
This substantial progress in Arabic education, in quantity and quality as well, is certainly a good indicator of a promising future for the language of the Holy Quran in the region, and for its renaissance and expansion.
Another achievement of the Arabic language in the region is that it has become an official language, recognised by the constitution in some countries, such as Chad and Niger(48).
Another good indicator is the emergence of an Arabic press in several countries of the region over the past few years, though this happened much earlier in Senegal. Soon after independence, a Senegalese government magazine, called Al Massira, was published in Arabic, followed by the Al Afkar, newspaper of the national union of Arabic-speaking authors and journalists, both followed by a number of other magazines and newspapers(49).
In Niger, two newspapers and one magazine in Arabic were published in 1995. These were the Al Watan newspaper, which first appeared in 1995, published three issues and then was discontinued for financial reasons, the Al Waha magazine, of which a few issues were published, and which was then discontinued for the same considerations, and the Tawasul newspaper, which continues to operate and has to date published nine issues.
In Mali, two newspapers at least are currently published in Arabic, the first one is Assahafa(50), and the second one is Al Mustaqbal newspaper(51).
Academic magazines and periodicals are published in large numbers by many universities in the north of Nigeria, in addition to the books and various studies. The Islamic University of Niger has also been publishing since 1995 an annual academic periodical under the title: Annals of the Islamic University in Niger(52).
Arabic’s lot in audio-visual information remains, however, poor in the countries of the region, but anyway it is there. Short weekly sessions are devoted to Arabic in Niger, for example, where Arabic is recognised as a national language among the ones officially recognised. Thus, passports printed by the government of Niger are written in both French and Arabic.
In 1926, the Bank of West Africa issued a 100-franc banknote on which Arabic writing indicated the value(53), but this was discontinued shortly afterwards. Paper money in Nigeria still carries today Arabic writing besides the Latin inscriptions.
If we take a close look at the present situation of the Arabic language on the African continent as a whole, we will find that a quarter of the inhabitants of this continent (about 125 millions) speak Arabic as their mother tongue, mostly inhabitants of North Africa, the Sudan and the Arab tribes scattered in sub-Saharan regions. We will also find that 10% of the other Africans speak Arabic as a second language, which brings us to the conclusion that “Arabic speakers in total account for more than one third of the continent’s inhabitants(54). From previous statistics of the League of the Islamic world, we glean that for about 230 million Muslims, i.e. about half the African continent’s population, the Arabic language matters significantly(55). Dr. Yusuf Al Khalifa Abu Bakr says in this regard: “If we are to choose one of the many African languages to become Africa’s official language, we will find that of the three main languages, Arabic has the more chances of obtaining this honour”(56). The three main languages here refer to Arabic, Swahili and Hausa. Whether Arabic will become one day the official language of the African continent or not, it already occupies, unchallenged, the foremost position among African languages. It is adopted by half the continent’s inhabitants as the language of their holy book, as the oldest written language and recorded heritage, for its most generous contribution, and for being the only language in which was recorded the old and middle history of Africa. Were it not for Arabic, Africa would have been a continent with no history and no civilisation.
Today, Arabic is achieving substantial progress in the sub-Saharan region and enjoys an amazing and heart-warming degree of success among Muslims(57). We can but say that the only way liable to serve this language, develop it and improve its position is through education, which no matter what we say of its revival and development, it is still, in fact, falling short of the expectations. This revival and progress necessitate tremendous efforts that should be exerted by all parties concerned about the future of the language of the Quran in the region, states, organisations, associations and individuals alike.
The problems faced by the Arabic and Islamic education in sub-Saharan Africa can be summed up as follows:
• Inadequacy of the financial resources devoted to this education, either from the budgets of states that consider Arabic education part of their general educational system, or from the resources collected by associations and individuals who endeavour to open community schools. This scarcity in financial resources makes Arabic and Islamic education appear the poorest of all educational categories, its schools attended mostly by the children of impoverished social classes, in addition to the other forms of neglect and marginalisation it suffers for reasons that require lengthy explanations.
• Weakness of its basic infrastructure such as school buildings that are devoid of the necessary fittings and equipment.
• The inadequacy of the educational and pedagogical training of teachers as a result of a shortage in the numbers of graduates of teacher-training facilities and the scarcity of such facilities for which the need is vital in many countries of the region. All these factors contribute to making the level of the Arabic language teacher largely inferior to that of the French teacher. Opening a sufficient number of teacher training institutes has become a pressing need that cannot be supplanted by the training sessions that occasionally benefit a limited number of individuals and for very short periods of time.
• Inadequacy of educational and administrative supervision as a result of the lack of supervisors, inspectors and experts in educational management. As a result, with a few exceptions, Islamic and Arabic education is blindly plodding on in the region.
• Discrepancies and blatant contradictions in curricula and school programmes, while many institutes and schools do not even have set curricula or programmes to follow.
• Shortage of appropriate textbooks. This shortage results in situations where the one textbook -if it is ever available- is used by a large number of students. Furthermore, the same class may make use of various textbooks prepared by different Arab countries with varying objectives.
• Many schools limit their courses to Sharia sciences and the Arabic language, depriving the student of the opportunity to learn about other sciences and branches of knowledge.
• Diversity of the diplomas granted by these schools, the large disparity of their standards and the difference of their appellations, all of which often makes it difficult to determine their educational value. In many cases, this results in the rejection of these diplomas by local authorities and also by foreign ones.
• The limited horizons that many of the graduates of these religious institutes have to contend with as a result of many of the above-mentioned factors, and also as a result of the superior and haughty disposition with which French-speaking intellectuals, the strong and powerful, consider the graduates of these schools and the marginalisation and contempt with which they are treated.
To sum up, Arabic Islamic education in the sub-Saharan region is in need of the two following elements:
First: Substantial and sustained financial support from Arab and Islamic states and all interested associations and organisations, to consolidate it and provide it with the necessary buildings, fittings and sufficient resources, providing the much needed qualified human resources, and the necessary working tools, such as books and educational curricula. This requires the setting up of a special fund in both the Arab League and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, dedicated to the support of Arabic and Islamic education in the region, and to be financed from the contributions of Member States, donations and the proceeds of public Islamic waqfs and other waqfs that would be instituted for this specific purpose. This also entails that Arab and Islamic countries consolidate their cultural ties with African countries and consider the support of this education an essential condition in the co-operation agreements that they sign with them.
Secondly: A global educational reform. This would involve the review of all curricula and programmes, their updating and standardisation within each country, particularly the curricula of Quranic schools which often lack scientific subjects, languages and mental development programmes, providing appropriate textbooks in sufficient quantities, the training of qualified teachers, supervisors and educational experts according to modern educational management methods and systems. A large share of this task can be carried out jointly by the ISESCO and ALECSO, which can also assist African countries in creating educational training schools, provide them with the services of experts in the devising of curricula and preparation of textbooks. They can also assist them through the printing and distributing of these books, and by providing special grants for the training of educational administration and guidance staff, and other such matters. The responsibility of Arab and Islamic countries in this respect remains the most important and relevant.
In truth, adequate efforts are already being made for the achievement of the above two elements, either by some Arab and Islamic countries or by institutions and organisations, particularly the ISESCO, the World Islamic Call Society and others. However, the lamentable condition of Arabic and Islamic education, the many problems and difficulties it is facing and the numerous obstacles erected in its way and on the path of its graduates on the one hand, -in spite of the progress it has achieved, and the strong attachment of Muslims and their attraction to it on the other hand,- encourage us to say: the efforts exerted so far remain inadequate and humble compared to the huge needs and complex problems. It is truly a tremendous responsibility that All Arab and Islamic countries will have to bear if they fail or lag behind in meeting the need of the total support for this education.
(*) Rector of the Islamic University in Niger.
(1) Al Bakri related that the Ummayyads had sent an army in the early period of Islam for the conquest of Ghana. Some troops of this army stayed behind and settled in Ghana. In 46 a.h, the army of Uqba Ibn Nafie Al Fihri reached the frontiers of the Bornu kingdom. Al Qalqashandi reports that the people of Ghana converted to Islam in the early stages of the conquest (cf. Dr Ibrahim Tarakhan: Islamic Kingdom of Ghana, 1970, Al Hayia Al Misriyya Al 'Amma Litaleefi Wa Ennachr, pp. 43-45, and Dr. Ahmed Said Gladenthi: the Movement of the Arabic Language and Literature in Nigeria, African Library, Dar Al Maarif, undated, pp. 23-24).
(2) The emergence of this kingdom dates back to the first century a.d.
(3) Tarakhan, page 45, and Glandenthi, page 24, op. cit.
(4) Tarakhan, op. cit., page 44.
(5) Tarakhan, op. cit., page 82.
(6) Gladenthi, op. cit., page 38.
(7) El Khalil Annahoui: Muslim Africa, Dar Al Gharb Al Islami, 1993, page 31.
(8) Ali Abu Bakr: Arabic Culture in Nigeria, pp. 223-224.
(9) It appears that Jawaher Al Hissan or Durar Al Hissan, a history book of western Sudan, widely quoted in Tarikh Al Fattach and many other history books, was missing. At a later stage, the historian Moulay Ahmed Bin Bab Al Arawani, wrote in 1356 a.h./1966 a.d. a book carrying a similar title, and annotated it at follows: "With the help of Allah, Praise be to Him, I completed this book as I so desired and named it after the lost book to replace it: Jawaher Al Hissan Fi Tarikh Al Sudan. And so it came to be, even better and clearer", a manuscript.
(10) Junaid the Vizier: Thabtu Al Multaqatat, copy of a private manuscript, page 17.
(11) Dr. Ali Abu Bakr, op. cit., page 56.
(12) Cf. Fath Al Shakour (Biography of Ahmed Baba Al Tambukti).
(13) Adhwaj: plural of dawj: the valley. Maj: name of a valley. Anchaj: water course. Raabaj: white light clouds. Dummaj: intruder.
(14) Cf. Mohamed Sambo Junaid: Masters of Nigerian Arabic Poetry: Sheikh Abdukader Misht and his Baiyya, Nigeria, Second edition, 2002 a.d.).
(15) Cf. Adam Al Illawre: Misbahu Dirasat Al Adabiya fi Diyari Annijiriyya, 2nd Edition, 1962. Taazab: oberved celibacy. Azlabat: adultery. Kab: sorrow and melancholy.
(16) Assa: darkened. Babr: lion. Hermas: Man-eating lion. Zakhkhahu: He felled him.Sarbakh: vast shaded expanse. Maghth: light bantering and disgracing. Shaslab: strong and powerful. Sa’at: screamed. Shawshab: scorpion. (Cf. Mohamed Sambo Junaid: Masters of Nigerian Arabic Poetry, op. cit).
(17) Cf. Adam Al Illawre: Misbahu Dirasat Al Adabiya fi Diyari Annijiriyya, 2nd Edition, 1962. Taazab: oberved celibacy. Azlabat: adultery. Kab: sorrow and melancholy.
(18) Al Illawri, in fact, mentioned four tafiilat for each half (failun fauulun failum fauulun), the reason being that he presented two halves as one half, while the correct form is the way we presented it. The new meter, therefore, though it does not feature among the regular sixteen meters, was used by more recent poets, such as in the famous nursery rhyme:
My cat is a kitten Her name is Nameera
Her play is entertaining To me she is like a shadow
Very skilful she is When the mouse she hunts
(19) Cf. two examples of these letters in the previously cited book of Dr Ali Abu Bakr.
(20) Cf. Al Hawi Lil Fatawi, Assiouti, page 1/441.
(21) Cf. “Makanat Allugha Al Arabia Fi Lughat Afriqya Wa Thaqafatiha”, published within “Allugha al Arabia Al Muasira”, by Dr. Yusuf al Khalifa Abu Bakr, ALECSO’s publications, Tunisia 1990. Also cf. “Afriqya al Muslima” by Al Khalil Annahur, Dar algharb Al Islami, first edition, Beirut, 1993.
(22) In addition to the two references mentioned in the previous footnote, cf. al Harf Al Arabi Wa Lughat al Afriqya” by Yusuf Al Khalifa Abu Bakr, and “Al Lughat Assawahiliya Wa Lugha al Arabia”, included in “Al Arabia Fi Lughat Al Afriqya” by Sayed Hamed Hareth, ALECSO’s publications, Tunisia 1992.
(23) The most famous of the languages transcribed in the Quranic script are Hausa, Fulani, Swahili, Tamazight and Afrikaans, the language spoken in South Africa by about one hundred thousand Africans.
(24) Paul Marty, Islam and the Tribes of the Niger Colony, page 195.
(25) Ali Abu Bakr, op. cit., p. 172.
(26) Ibid., page 379.
(27) Some of these schools included the school for high society boys, the school for high society girls, bilingual schools (French-Arabic)...The strangest of these schools was the school for hostages which catered to the children of tribal chiefs who were in opposition to the French colonial regime. Cf. Dr. Al Hadi Al Mabrouk Addali and Dr. Imad Hilal in: Islam and the Arabic Language in the Face of Colonial Challenges in West Africa, Beirut, 1996, First Edition, page 126.
(28) Islam and the Arabic Language in the Face of Colonial Challenges in West Africa. Ibid., page 108.
(29) Ibid.
(30) Ibid., p. 111.
(31) Dr. Abdelali El Ouadghiri: Francophony and the Language Policy in Morocco, Al Alam Series, Rabat, 1992, pp. 80-81.
(32) Islam and the Arabic Language in the Face of Colonial Challenges in West Africa, op. cit., page 109.
(33) Francophony and the Language Policy in Morocco, op. cit., page 74.
(34) Some of these can be looked up in our previously mentioned book.
(35) Arabic Language and the Conflict of Culture in Senegal, Mahdi Saté, published within the framework of _African Studies, issue No 26, January 1996, quoting Paul Marty in his book: The Medersa of Saint Louis, page 40.
(36) Islam and the Arabic Language in the Face of Colonial Challenges in West Africa, op.cit. page 127.
(37) Paul Marty: Religious Schools in Senegal. The authors of Islam and the Arabic Language in the Face of Colonial Challenges in West Africa estimate the number of students in 1909 at about 54,336.
(38) The first figure was mentioned by Jean Suret in: Africa, The Era of Colonialism, and the second figure by the authors of Islam and the Arabic Language in the Face of Colonial Challenges in West Africa, page 98.
(39) Paul Marty, Islam and the Tribes of the Niger Colony.
(40) Islam and the Arabic Language in the Face of Colonial Challenges in West Africa, page 95, quoting French sources.
(41) Ibid., page 99.
(42) Dr. Ali Abu Bakr, ibid., page 218. Cf. also Islam and the Arabic Language in the Face of Colonial Challenges in West Africa, page 72.
(43) Report on the Current Situation of the Arabic Language Teaching in Niger, Zakaria Moumini, Annals of the Islamic University of Niger, issue No. 7, 2001.
(44) A special report prepared by Dr. Khaleel Ennahawi on/ Programme for the Support of Arabic-French Education in Niger, 2002.
(45) Mahdi Saté reports that in 1962 for example, the Islamic Union of Senegal opened 6,000 bilingual schools (Arabic-French). Cf. Saté's article/ Arabic Language and the Conflict of Cultures in Senegal, African Studies Magazine, issue No. 12, January 1995.
(46) Khadim Said Mbaké: Report on Islamic Education in Senegal: Between Reality and Aspirations, Annals of the Islamic University of Niger, issue No 6, 2000.
(47) Such as the Islamic University in Uganda, the Faculty of Education in Kenya, the University of Mogadishu in Somalia, etc..
(48) Niger has eight national languages recognised by the constitution as equal, of which Arabic. In Chad, however, Arabic is not only a national language but an official, on a par with French, and is also considered the medium of communication and understanding among all the country’s citizens.
(49) On the subject of the Arabic press in Senegal, read: Mahdi Saté: Arabic and Islamic Press in Senegal, African Studies Magazine, issue No. 4, 1408 a.h., and his previously cited article: Arabic Language and the Conflict of Cultures in Senegal.
(50) Published since 1998 by the Association of the KSA University Graduates.
(51) Published by the Association of Graduates of the Universities of the Arab Republic of Egypt.
(52) Seven issues were published up to 2002.
(53) Bakari Dramé: Presence of the Arabic Language in French-Speaking Countries of Sub-Saharan Africa, published in the Annals of the Islamic University of Niger, issue No 7, 2001
(54) Dr. Yusuf Al Khalifa Abu Bakr: Position of Arabic Among Africa’s Languages, op. cit.
(55) Ibid.
(56) Ibid.
(57) The keenness of African Muslims to learn Arabic that I witnessed and the reported success this language in other parts of the world, has made me one day say that such a success can only be equalled by the Arabs’ neglect, denigration and contempt for their language, right in the heart of their own lands.
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